Frank-Walter Steinmeier5:56
Well, thank you very much indeed for these kind words of welcome. Ladies and gentlemen, dear students, I think it is fantastic. You know, you've been given the alternative to enjoy a sunshiny day, though somewhat windy, late autumn, but you've nevertheless decided in favor of the alternative-- coming here into an enclosed room to listen to us. Thank you very much for that. And thank you also for reminding me of the year 2012, which I remember well for quite different reasons, and I'll get back to that in a second. You know, my visit to Boston in 2012. But allow me to begin by saying that I haven't been here for the very first time, and I'm always happy to be back in this academic, scientific center, a center not only with regard to the United States of America but also in a much broader sense, because it is a center that is exemplary in bringing together researchers and academics from all parts of the world, from all countries of the world, to make them work on subjects of common concern. And when I remember that visit in 2012, or earlier visits too and later visits, you know, no matter whether we talked about foreign policy issues or other issues, either here in the hall or in other places in Harvard, whether we talked about questions to do with climate policy, about the state of affairs of transatlantic relations, rest assured, every time that I came here, I returned home having benefited to a large extent from the discussions I had at Harvard. There was one exception, and that brings me back to 2012, really. Just once did I risk myself, my whole existence here in Harvard, because I allowed myself to be talked into throwing the first pitch in a baseball match. And I was extremely naive. Never ever had I before I attended a baseball match, held a baseball in my hands, nor been in a baseball stadium. And my then colleague, secretary of state Condoleezza Rice, we all remember her, was aghast when she heard what I was about to do. And the only comment she gave to me was, 'don't do it.' But you know, that is typical of us Germans. I had to accepted and I didn't want to go back on my promise. So once we entered the stadium on the afternoon of that day, I got an inkling of why my colleague Condoleezza Rice was so aghast, because the stadium was filled to the very last seat, 40,000 or 50,000 people in the audience. And I had a certain feeling that they hadn't come just because of me, but they'd come because they wanted to watch the match, a match that was the match really. Here in the United States, the Red Sox were playing the New York Yankees. And I realized all of a sudden that this is not just any match. It's about religious issues, really. Still, it worked out somehow. I survived it. And having survived that experience, I was happy to come back every time. I wasn't shy of returning to Boston, to Harvard. But today, it's a different topic, really, that brings me here, different from the topics we focused on in the past years. We're no longer on the threshold of the digitization, of digitization, of the digital age. But we have already entered that age. I've come here because the topic we will be talking about directly refers back to topics I'm focusing on in my presidency, the future of liberal democracy, that is. How does the internet, how do Facebook, Twitter, algorithms, anonymity in the internet, how do all these things change the democratic culture of debate, which is of such great importance to us in Germany, just as much as you do in the United States of America? Despite the daily waves of outrage that you have to live with, how can we make sure that we keep a general overview? How can we distinguish what is important from what is unimportant? And does this culture of thinking in simple opposites, yes or no, black or white, harsh approaches, whether that takes away from us our ability to see the nuances between black and white? Are we capable of doing that? Do we continue to be capable of entering into compromise, which I believe to be vital for any democracy, if we no longer have the time to differentiate or to see things in nuances in carefully weighing the pros and cons, because it's no longer popular? We talked about this yesterday in Boston with American and German academics in great depth. Today, though, we are again talking about digital transformation, how that has changed our lives and daily experiences. But as Mr. Gasser kindly indicated, we will be focusing on a different priority. We're not really focusing on the question, whether we need digital technologies. They're there, anyway. No one is denying the fact that they open up enormous opportunities for all of us, when it comes to fighting poverty, for example, when it comes to tackling the impact of climate change, when it comes to combating diseases and their effects. Undoubtedly, Germany is a country that has no resources over its own, outside the humanities and human resources. We want to be a country that has technology to offer, and we want to participate in the developments they entail. And that is a kind of introductory remark on my part. As regards to the topic we intend to talk about today the ethic-- a code of ethics for the digital transformation, I would like to just briefly focus on why this topic is so important to me. I actually have come from two visits, and I refer back to those visits. I visited Stanford last year, focusing again on the future of digitization. When we traveled there, a few days before we left we read in the papers that Elon Musk had bought up a company that was engaging in the research in brain implants, and that was doing very well in that regard, that this might help tackle diseases like Parkinson's and Alzheimer's. I learned a lot about the imagination of researchers during my encounters there, how one can influence brain activities with the help of implants and algorithms. This has undeniable and obvious consequences. But at the end of the discussion, it wasn't I, but it was someone who is very well known in the United States, George Shultz. That is the former Secretary of State under Ronald Reagan, who also is or was at the time a member of the board of Stanford University. He said at the end of the discussion, guys, really, I am fascinated by the scenario you have been painting, drawing of the future. But let's not forget, we are living in a democracy. And democracy relies on independent, self-determined, confident human beings if it is to survive. And he addressed himself to the researchers and the academics. So when developing these technologies, don't forget to think of the consequences of your inventions and how that fits into democracy and its principles. In my second trip, and I'm going to be brief about this, with my visit to China, again, we also focused on this topic. And we also talked about social scoring, the opportunities, the perspectives that result for the members of a society. The debates we had were not easy, because at the beginning the Chinese didn't understand why we were asking these questions at all, and why we would find some of these things complicated that come up in the context of social scoring. Because they said, we have 80, 90% of support, popular support for these topics. Why are you against it? You know, we live under different political circumstances, are scared and shocked by the idea of having to submit to a total surveillance of all aspects of our lives, that no matter what we do, this might be linked up to a system that assesses our performance in a negative or a positive way, and that this, of course, has an effect on the way we developed as human beings, that hopes, wishes, and dreams are becoming externalized, that they are stored on a software I no longer have any influence over. For our concept of individual responsibility and of personal freedom is being called into question by such an approach. We, however, know that this is not a problem that is exclusive to the Chinese. German companies, American companies that invest in the United States, that employ people in the United States, they will be working under the very same conditions. And thus we have to have an interest in what is happening here. But let me close by saying that the debate in China hasn't yet come to an end yet. It is still ongoing. We don't know what will be the outcome, the result of all those tests and experiments that are being carried out in China right now. But the obvious question is on the table. Is there something like a minimum of morals for the digital age? Shouldn't we work to have something like that like, like a common expression of the limits of the digital future in the decades or centuries to come? Which brings me down to the question of whether we do not really need a much more intensive exchange of thoughts between the tech community, the political scientists about the philosophy of the individual than is happening at this point in time, at least as I see it. Well, you know, if I were to choose, I would very much like to be in a position where I could leave Boston today, having received the confirmation from all of you that I need not be afraid, that I need not be concerned, that the debate is taking place in the very intensity that I would wish to see attributed to it. But whether that is the case or not, we will have to hear and see from you. I very much look forward to this debate.