And then a second question that I'd like to get the Taoiseach's response on as well. Do either of you believe that the Trump administration can realistically be a reliable trading partner ever again?
So yes, I would include Ireland too, and did include Ireland in my mind at least in terms of those middle powers. And it's no accident that prior to the speech, and then intensifying subsequently to the speech, that we have worked towards deepening the bilateral relationship. And I can make it tangible in a few ways. First is that one of the things that broader middle powers can do is for issues about which we care deeply and can influence, we band together and we work to help. The Taoiseach just referenced coalition of the willing for Ukraine. We've been there. That's not NATO. It's not the G whatever that's coming together. It is a group of like-minded countries that are committed to supporting Ukraine, particularly when there is a cessation of hostilities, the regeneration, and providing security guarantees for those of us who would contribute to the security guarantee element so that we don't have a repeat of what happened with the war of 2014 becoming the war of 2020 and on. So that's the first element.
The second element, actually, you see some of this coming out today, which is that there are various areas where global integration, of which Ireland and Canada are both strong supporters and have been great beneficiaries of, but there are certain areas in global integration that can be used as leverage against you, particularly if you have only one supplier or only one option. So when we look at emerging technologies where we have complementary strengths, actually having more than one option, having a web of connections, the way we talk about it, is to great advantage. And so a tangible example of that is in AI and cloud infrastructure. So big investment today. We're not saying that Canada and Ireland will only partner with each other in AI, of course not that. But it's part of a broadening of the relationship for both of us, and that puts us in a stronger position if, for whatever reason, because of availability of models, because of availability of certain technologies, because of some broader dispute, that we're not beholden to just one counterpart. It's just sensible things to do, but we're much more deliberate about it.
And to finish my answer, part of the first element, with whom do we tend to band together on geopolitical issues, issues of values, issues of global development, climate change, and others? Well, those like-minded countries and organizations are more likely to be the reliable partners in these strategic areas, if I can put it that way. So that is a very oblique answer to the last part of your question.
Could I say to you that I would endorse what Prime Minister Carney has said, and I think that speech at Davos was a very important speech, because I think it brought clarity, but also suggested a way forward in terms of like-minded states and governments. And I'm also of the view that greater collaboration internationally will yield greater results. One of the best examples in recent times has been discovering the vaccine for COVID-19. That was actually an extraordinary moment of international collaboration and a race against time to get an effective vaccine. Now, if we deployed national borders, we would never ever have achieved that, and scientists got together across the globe. And it's interesting even now when we talk to Canadian companies on AI and so on, by talking to each other, we're all adding something additional to the table and adding value, and we both win, and the world does better in my view as a general rule.
In terms of the United States and President Trump's view and perspectives, I mean, President Trump is democratically elected as President of the United States, and I'll always respect that. And throughout our political lives there will be toing and froing and different perspectives. That is democracy in many respects. The challenge is to navigate that, to engage with that, and in my sense we must always, all of us, understand the limits of power too and the limits of governments in the general overall scheme of things. What do I mean by that? I mean, if you look at the relationships between Europe and the US, they're very deep. They're very substantial, at both economic, political, and people-to-people level. And so I think we need to mind those relationships. I would argue that the relationship is so strong that we need to continue working on that relationship, and my visit to the White House in March was part of that, and we had a good engagement there, but also we had a very good engagement with the House, congressmen and women and senators. So it's a multi-layered relationship. And it's one that we have to continue to work at and highlight the pluses, the advantages and the positives in that relationship, and accepting that people will have different political platforms, different political orientation in terms of economics or in terms of politics more generally. And once there's mutual respect of both, then I think we have the capacity to navigate such scenarios that evolve. And that would be my view on that. I mean, I'm not one for a sort of short-term reactionary response to any given administration's position. I tend to take the long view that there are some enduring aspects to the relationship that will simply endure if we continue to work on it and continue to mind it.
Hello Prime Minister, hello Taoiseach. I have a question about the conflict in Iran. In the past hour and a bit, the Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif of Pakistan has posted on social media that he thinks a peace deal could be finalized in the next 24 hours. You've been close before and it's not gone well, so I'm wondering that should this not come to pass, how much longer do you think economies can persist before their fiscal capacity and oil reserves get to a stretch point where it can unleash a bigger economic crisis? If there is an agreement, is any Iranian control over the Strait of Hormuz or a toll acceptable, and does it just need to be Iran and the United States, or do Lebanon and Israel need to be part of this? So Taoiseach, if you want to answer that in English and in French, that would be amazing. But Prime Minister Carney, I...
Prime Minister Carney, please in both official languages.
