A warm welcome to you as well on a Sunday. In these days and weeks we are witnessing a unique density of wars and upheavals in the world and also in our neighbourhood. The lines of conflict are becoming increasingly unclear. Existing rules, including those of international law, are being observed less and less. As you know, the United States of America and Israel have been carrying out massive military strikes against Iran since yesterday. By all accounts, numerous prominent representatives of the Iranian regime have so far been killed, including the religious leader Ali Khamenei. With that, the threshold into an uncertain future has been crossed.
On all of these developments, I will speak with President Trump in Washington on Tuesday. I have been in close contact with our partners in Europe, in Israel and across the region, especially in the last few hours. Today, Sunday, the National Security Council met under my leadership. We received and assessed a comprehensive picture of the situation from the resources of the federal government and from the intelligence services, as far as it was available to us. The federal government has also already taken precautions today and yesterday to support German holidaymakers and travellers in the region as best as possible. We are doing everything here in Germany to ensure public safety. This concerns in particular the protection of Jewish, Israeli and American institutions. We will not tolerate antisemitic or anti-American attacks on German soil.
We have agreed on a common position of the federal government on the developments in Iran. The federal government leaves no doubt as to how we view the Iranian regime. The mullah regime is a terrorist regime responsible for the decades-long oppression of the Iranian people. This regime killed thousands of people in the demonstrations around the turn of the year alone. The regime threatens the very existence of the State of Israel, and the regime is responsible for the terror of Hamas and Hezbollah. Finally, Iran's nuclear and missile programmes threaten peace and security. Iran's indiscriminate attacks on its immediate neighbours and the Gulf states destabilise the entire region. Cooperation with terrorist groups endangers our partners and indeed ourselves. The same applies to Iran's systematic support for Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. The federal government therefore shares the relief felt by many Iranians that this mullah regime is now coming to an end.
We share with the United States and Israel the interest in ending this regime's terror and stopping its dangerous nuclear and ballistic build-up. The military strikes are meant to end the destructive game of a weakened regime. That is not without risk. We do not know into what escalation Iran's hard counterstrikes will still draw the region. We take very seriously the concerns of our partners in Iran's immediate neighbourhood, in the Gulf and in Europe. We therefore call on Tehran to end these indiscriminate attacks immediately.
We also do not know whether the plan will work — to enable political change from within through military strikes from without. The internal dynamics in Iran are hard to fathom. The comparison with Afghanistan, with Iraq and with Libya certainly only holds in part, but it does show how real the risks are in the medium term. We in Europe and in Germany would have to bear the consequences as well. From this, the federal government draws sober conclusions for our own actions.
Assessments under international law will achieve relatively little as a result. This is all the more true when they largely remain without consequence. Appeals from Europe, including from Germany, the condemnation of Iranian violations of the law and even comprehensive sanctions packages have achieved little over years and decades. This was also because we were not prepared to enforce fundamental interests with military force.
This is therefore not the moment to lecture our partners and allies. For all our doubts, we share many of their goals, without being able to actually achieve them ourselves. As a federal government, we want to act where we can truly act. And even though we cannot yet foresee today what the day after will look like with our partners in the United States, in Israel, in the region and in Europe, we want to develop an agenda with Iran for that day after. This is also a signal of hope to the brave Iranians who deserve a better future in their country. We are orienting ourselves by four key points. First, we want to contribute to creating a new order of peace and stability in the Middle East in which all neighbours recognise Israel's right to existence and security without ifs or buts.
Second, we want to continue working towards a binding agreement that obliges Iran once and for all to end its military nuclear programme and its ballistic missile programme. Third, in return, we want to contribute our share to Iran stabilising in the future and getting back on its feet economically. Europe will be a decisive success factor here. And finally, fourth, we want to support the Iranian people in freely deciding their own fate and in contributing to a stable and peaceful order in the region.
The federal government's view of developments in Iran is shaped by our own geopolitical exposure. Russia's war against Ukraine is in no way inferior to the injustice of the Iranian regime. Moscow's invasion of a peaceful neighbour is no more justifiable than the war of terror that Tehran has been waging against Israel for years. That is why the federal government is also pushing with all its might for a just peace for Ukraine. Today, Germany is, as you probably know, Kyiv's strongest supporter.
We appreciate the important negotiating work that the United States of America under President Trump is doing here, and we would like even closer transatlantic cooperation. We also want this cooperation at the negotiating table with Russia. We want to support the effort to move Russia towards compromises in the negotiations through pressure and sanctions. Anyone who wants security, peace and justice in the Middle East must also want them in Europe. And that is why the federal government, in transatlantic burden-sharing, provides a large part of the support for Ukraine against Russian aggression.
And that is why we do not lecture our partners about their military strikes against Iran. We want to work with them, with the necessary degree of realism, on an order of peace — in the Middle East just as much as in Europe. Thank you very much. We have time for a few questions.
Thank you. Mr Chancellor, I would like to ask again about your concern over an escalation of the conflict. There are calls around the world to attack targets. How much do you see Germany in the crosshairs here as well — and not only the Israeli and American institutions here, but generally? May I follow up on the remarks you made about international law? With Venezuela there was already the same question, whether one accuses the Americans of acting in violation of international law. In your own statement you criticised Iran above all, and just repeated that. So are there no concerns, even if one does not come to a final verdict, that this course of action is not compatible with the rules that have applied so far? Thank you.
I will start with the second question. We discussed the classification under international law of what is currently happening at length in the federal government. We see the dilemma that international law measures and steps — which we have repeatedly tried over the last few decades against a regime that is building up nuclear weapons and brutally oppressing its own people — have obviously achieved nothing. That puts us in a dilemma, but we can at least say this much in terms of international law: this is an ongoing conflict that has lasted for decades, which Israel and the United States of America now want to end through military strikes — both with regard to the terror that has engulfed the entire region and with regard to the development of nuclear-armed missiles.
There is no ideal moment at which one can undertake something like this, but there can be a moment at which it is too late. That is why our assessment is very comprehensive, with the result I have just described to you. As far as the threat to the Federal Republic of Germany is concerned: over the past ten years we have repeatedly experienced attacks in Europe and in Germany, for example against Iranians living here in exile. We know that Iranian intelligence services are active in Europe and in Germany, and that is why yesterday we already held domestic policy consultations on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the security situation, on what we can do to protect our own population and the Iranians living in Germany — including all institutions, all mosques, all embassy buildings, all facilities.
At my request, the federal interior minister already consulted extensively with the state interior ministers yesterday on the security situation. At present there are no indications that we would have to assume a very great threat, but we continue to monitor the overall situation through our intelligence services and police forces. There is a high level of attention from the security authorities in Germany, driven above all by the thought of protecting the people in the country, protecting our infrastructure, and also protecting those who are staying in Germany and hoping for a better future in their home country of Iran.
Mr Chancellor, barely seven weeks ago, from India, you essentially predicted the end of the Iranian regime — in the coming days or weeks, you said. What legitimacy do those now appointed in Iran as successors to the killed individuals have? Are these the people about whom, in the statement with the E3 just a few days ago, you called for efforts to continue negotiations? Will you propose to President Trump that he negotiate with these self-appointed successors?
Well, I pointed out to Herr Schmid that this regime, this mullah regime, no longer has any legitimacy whatsoever to remain in office. This assessment was not mine alone, but was shared by many. I said something just now about the end of part of these members of the regime. At the moment we do not know what future structures with which people will exist in Iran. The important thing — the most important thing from my point of view — is that the Iranian people now get the opportunity to decide for themselves about their political leadership. But we know neither possible acting actors nor groups that would be capable of doing so.
That is why I also pointed out in my statement that carrying out such a military action now is not without risk, including in the division of labour between Israel and the United States of America. There will be a day after, and that day after must be a day after in peace, in freedom, with democratic elections and with good neighbourly relations across the whole region. And at the present point in time that is not yet foreseeable. We hope for it, but we are not certain. Time for one last question.
Mr Chancellor, could you perhaps say something more about the danger to German citizens in the region — particularly in Israel and around Iran? Are there considerations to organise ways of leaving, possibly via flights, for example? How is the security of German soldiers in the region? And if you allow, one small follow-up: you just mentioned the planned support for German holidaymakers. What exactly is planned there? Thank you.
There is a very large number of German holidaymakers currently staying in the region. There are many thousands. Many German nationals now also live permanently in, for example, Dubai or Abu Dhabi. The Foreign Ministry is providing information first and foremost. We hope that these military actions will soon be ended and that there will be no further dangers to German holidaymakers in the region, but at the moment we cannot foresee what additional measures we can take, simply because the number is very large. We have analysed the threat to the soldiers at their respective locations. There is also a larger number of federal police officers stationed at locations in the region. Both the federal defence minister and the federal foreign minister, as well as the federal interior minister, have each informed us about the current state of affairs.
We see no excessively great threat at present for the German soldiers and for the police officers, beyond the one that is inherently present in such deployments. And as I said, everything is being done for the German holidaymakers, first of all to keep them informed about the situation. And we are accompanying all of this with the hope that these military actions will be ended as soon as possible, and that the ships, for example, can then continue their voyages and can once again pass safely through the Strait of Hormuz. So, thank you very much. I wish you a pleasant rest of your Sunday.
A warm welcome, ladies and gentlemen, to the Chancellor's statement on the situation.
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, a warm welcome to you as well on a Sunday. In these days and weeks we are witnessing a unique density of wars and upheavals in the world and also in our neighbourhood. The lines of conflict are becoming increasingly unclear. Existing rules, including those of international law, are being observed less and less. As you know, the United States of America and Israel have been carrying out massive military strikes against Iran since yesterday. By all accounts, numerous prominent representatives of the Iranian regime have so far been killed, including the religious leader Ali Khamenei. With that, the threshold into an uncertain future has been crossed.
On all of these developments, I will speak with President Trump in Washington on Tuesday. I have been in close contact with our partners in Europe, in Israel and across the region, especially in the last few hours. Today, Sunday, the National Security Council met under my leadership. We received and assessed a comprehensive picture of the situation from the resources of the federal government and from the intelligence services, as far as it was available to us. The federal government has also already taken precautions today and yesterday to support German holidaymakers and travellers in the region as best as possible. We are doing everything here in Germany to ensure public safety. This concerns in particular the protection of Jewish, Israeli and American institutions. We will not tolerate antisemitic or anti-American attacks on German soil.
We have agreed on a common position of the federal government on the developments in Iran. The federal government leaves no doubt as to how we view the Iranian regime. The mullah regime is a terrorist regime responsible for the decades-long oppression of the Iranian people. This regime killed thousands of people in the demonstrations around the turn of the year alone. The regime threatens the very existence of the State of Israel, and the regime is responsible for the terror of Hamas and Hezbollah. Finally, Iran's nuclear and missile programmes threaten peace and security. Iran's indiscriminate attacks on its immediate neighbours and the Gulf states destabilise the entire region. Cooperation with terrorist groups endangers our partners and indeed ourselves. The same applies to Iran's systematic support for Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. The federal government therefore shares the relief felt by many Iranians that this mullah regime is now coming to an end.
We share with the United States and Israel the interest in ending this regime's terror and stopping its dangerous nuclear and ballistic build-up. The military strikes are meant to end the destructive game of a weakened regime. That is not without risk. We do not know into what escalation Iran's hard counterstrikes will still draw the region. We take very seriously the concerns of our partners in Iran's immediate neighbourhood, in the Gulf and in Europe. We therefore call on Tehran to end these indiscriminate attacks immediately.
We also do not know whether the plan will work — to enable political change from within through military strikes from without. The internal dynamics in Iran are hard to fathom. The comparison with Afghanistan, with Iraq and with Libya certainly only holds in part, but it does show how real the risks are in the medium term. We in Europe and in Germany would have to bear the consequences as well. From this, the federal government draws sober conclusions for our own actions.
Assessments under international law will achieve relatively little as a result. This is all the more true when they largely remain without consequence. Appeals from Europe, including from Germany, the condemnation of Iranian violations of the law and even comprehensive sanctions packages have achieved little over years and decades. This was also because we were not prepared to enforce fundamental interests with military force.
This is therefore not the moment to lecture our partners and allies. For all our doubts, we share many of their goals, without being able to actually achieve them ourselves. As a federal government, we want to act where we can truly act. And even though we cannot yet foresee today what the day after will look like with our partners in the United States, in Israel, in the region and in Europe, we want to develop an agenda with Iran for that day after. This is also a signal of hope to the brave Iranians who deserve a better future in their country. We are orienting ourselves by four key points. First, we want to contribute to creating a new order of peace and stability in the Middle East in which all neighbours recognise Israel's right to existence and security without ifs or buts.
Second, we want to continue working towards a binding agreement that obliges Iran once and for all to end its military nuclear programme and its ballistic missile programme. Third, in return, we want to contribute our share to Iran stabilising in the future and getting back on its feet economically. Europe will be a decisive success factor here. And finally, fourth, we want to support the Iranian people in freely deciding their own fate and in contributing to a stable and peaceful order in the region.
The federal government's view of developments in Iran is shaped by our own geopolitical exposure. Russia's war against Ukraine is in no way inferior to the injustice of the Iranian regime. Moscow's invasion of a peaceful neighbour is no more justifiable than the war of terror that Tehran has been waging against Israel for years. That is why the federal government is also pushing with all its might for a just peace for Ukraine. Today, Germany is, as you probably know, Kyiv's strongest supporter.
We appreciate the important negotiating work that the United States of America under President Trump is doing here, and we would like even closer transatlantic cooperation. We also want this cooperation at the negotiating table with Russia. We want to support the effort to move Russia towards compromises in the negotiations through pressure and sanctions. Anyone who wants security, peace and justice in the Middle East must also want them in Europe. And that is why the federal government, in transatlantic burden-sharing, provides a large part of the support for Ukraine against Russian aggression.
And that is why we do not lecture our partners about their military strikes against Iran. We want to work with them, with the necessary degree of realism, on an order of peace — in the Middle East just as much as in Europe. Thank you very much. We have time for questions.
Thank you. Mr Chancellor, I would like to ask again about your concern over an escalation of the conflict. There are calls around the world to attack targets. How much do you see Germany in the crosshairs here as well — and not only the Israeli and American institutions here, but generally? May I follow up on the remarks you made about international law? With Venezuela there was already the same question, whether one accuses the Americans of acting in violation of international law. In your own statement you criticised Iran above all, and just repeated that. So are there no concerns, even if one does not come to a final verdict, that this course of action is not compatible with the rules that have applied so far? Thank you.
I will start with the second question. We discussed the classification under international law of what is currently happening at length in the federal government. We see the dilemma that international law measures and steps — which we have repeatedly tried over the last few decades against a regime that is building up nuclear weapons and brutally oppressing its own people — have obviously achieved nothing. That puts us in a dilemma, but we can at least say this much in terms of international law: this is an ongoing conflict that has lasted for decades, which Israel and the United States of America now want to end through military strikes — both with regard to the terror that has engulfed the entire region and with regard to the development of nuclear-armed missiles.
There is no ideal moment at which one can undertake something like this, but there can be a moment at which it is too late. That is why our assessment is very comprehensive, with the result I have just described to you. As far as the threat to the Federal Republic of Germany is concerned: over the past ten years we have repeatedly experienced attacks in Europe and in Germany, for example against Iranians living here in exile. We know that Iranian intelligence services are active in Europe and in Germany, and that is why yesterday we already held domestic policy consultations on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the security situation, on what we can do to protect our own population and the Iranians living in Germany — including all institutions, all mosques, all embassy buildings, all facilities.
At my request, the federal interior minister already consulted extensively with the state interior ministers yesterday on the security situation. At present there are no indications that we would have to assume a very great threat, but we continue to monitor the overall situation through our intelligence services and police forces. There is a high level of attention from the security authorities in Germany, driven above all by the thought of protecting the people in the country, protecting our infrastructure, and also protecting those who are staying in Germany and hoping for a better future in their home country of Iran.
Mr Chancellor, barely seven weeks ago, from India, you essentially predicted the end of the Iranian regime — in the coming days or weeks, you said. What legitimacy do those now appointed in Iran as successors to the killed individuals have? Are these the people about whom, in the statement with the E3 just a few days ago, you called for efforts to continue negotiations? Will you propose to President Trump that he negotiate with these self-appointed successors?
Well, I pointed out to Herr Schmid that this regime, this mullah regime, no longer has any legitimacy whatsoever to remain in office. This assessment was not mine alone, but was shared by many. I said something just now about the end of part of these members of the regime. At the moment we do not know what future structures with which people will exist in Iran. The important thing — the most important thing from my point of view — is that the Iranian people now get the opportunity to decide for themselves about their political leadership. But we know neither possible acting actors nor groups that would be capable of doing so.
That is why I also pointed out in my statement that carrying out such a military action now is not without risk, including in the division of labour between Israel and the United States of America. There will be a day after, and that day after must be a day after in peace, in freedom, with democratic elections and with good neighbourly relations across the whole region. And at the present point in time that is not yet foreseeable. We hope for it, but we are not certain. Time for one last question.
Mr Chancellor, could you perhaps say something more about the danger to German citizens in the region — particularly in Israel and around Iran? Are there considerations to organise ways of leaving, possibly via flights, for example? How is the security of German soldiers in the region? And if you allow, one small follow-up: you just mentioned the planned support for German holidaymakers. What exactly is planned there? Thank you.
There is a very large number of German holidaymakers currently staying in the region. There are many thousands. Many German nationals now also live permanently in, for example, Dubai or Abu Dhabi. The Foreign Ministry is providing information first and foremost. We hope that these military actions will soon be ended and that there will be no further dangers to German holidaymakers in the region, but at the moment we cannot foresee what additional measures we can take, simply because the number is very large. We have analysed the threat to the soldiers at their respective locations. There is also a larger number of federal police officers stationed at locations in the region. Both the federal defence minister and the federal foreign minister, as well as the federal interior minister, have each informed us about the current state of affairs.
We see no excessively great threat at present for the German soldiers and for the police officers, beyond the one that is inherently present in such deployments. And as I said, everything is being done for the German holidaymakers, first of all to keep them informed about the situation. And we are accompanying all of this with the hope that these military actions will be ended as soon as possible, and that the ships, for example, can then continue their voyages and can once again pass safely through the Strait of Hormuz. So, thank you very much. I wish you a pleasant rest of your Sunday.
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, a warm welcome to you as well on a Sunday. In these days and weeks we are witnessing a unique density of wars and upheavals in the world and also in our neighbourhood. The lines of conflict are becoming increasingly unclear. Existing rules, including those of international law, are being observed less and less. As you know, the United States of America and Israel have been carrying out massive military strikes against Iran since yesterday. By all accounts, numerous prominent representatives of the Iranian regime have so far been killed, including the religious leader Ali Khamenei. With that, the threshold into an uncertain future has been crossed.
On all of these developments, I will speak with President Trump in Washington on Tuesday. I have been in close contact with our partners in Europe, in Israel and across the region, especially in the last few hours. Today, Sunday, the National Security Council met under my leadership. We received and assessed a comprehensive picture of the situation from the resources of the federal government and from the intelligence services, as far as it was available to us. The federal government has also already taken precautions today and yesterday to support German holidaymakers and travellers in the region as best as possible. We are doing everything here in Germany to ensure public safety. This concerns in particular the protection of Jewish, Israeli and American institutions. We will not tolerate antisemitic or anti-American attacks on German soil.
We have agreed on a common position of the federal government on the developments in Iran. The federal government leaves no doubt as to how we view the Iranian regime. The mullah regime is a terrorist regime responsible for the decades-long oppression of the Iranian people. This regime killed thousands of people in the demonstrations around the turn of the year alone. The regime threatens the very existence of the State of Israel, and the regime is responsible for the terror of Hamas and Hezbollah. Finally, Iran's nuclear and missile programmes threaten peace and security. Iran's indiscriminate attacks on its immediate neighbours and the Gulf states destabilise the entire region. Cooperation with terrorist groups endangers our partners and indeed ourselves. The same applies to Iran's systematic support for Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. The federal government therefore shares the relief felt by many Iranians that this mullah regime is now coming to an end.
We share with the United States and Israel the interest in ending this regime's terror and stopping its dangerous nuclear and ballistic build-up. The military strikes are meant to end the destructive game of a weakened regime. That is not without risk. We do not know into what escalation Iran's hard counterstrikes will still draw the region. We take very seriously the concerns of our partners in Iran's immediate neighbourhood, in the Gulf and in Europe. We therefore call on Tehran to end these indiscriminate attacks immediately.
We also do not know whether the plan will work — to enable political change from within through military strikes from without. The internal dynamics in Iran are hard to fathom. The comparison with Afghanistan, with Iraq and with Libya certainly only holds in part, but it does show how real the risks are in the medium term. We in Europe and in Germany would have to bear the consequences as well. From this, the federal government draws sober conclusions for our own actions.
Assessments under international law will achieve relatively little as a result. This is all the more true when they largely remain without consequence. Appeals from Europe, including from Germany, the condemnation of Iranian violations of the law and even comprehensive sanctions packages have achieved little over years and decades. This was also because we were not prepared to enforce fundamental interests with military force.
This is therefore not the moment to lecture our partners and allies. For all our doubts, we share many of their goals, without being able to actually achieve them ourselves. As a federal government, we want to act where we can truly act. And even though we cannot yet foresee today what the day after will look like with our partners in the United States, in Israel, in the region and in Europe, we want to develop an agenda with Iran for that day after. This is also a signal of hope to the brave Iranians who deserve a better future in their country. We are orienting ourselves by four key points. First, we want to contribute to creating a new order of peace and stability in the Middle East in which all neighbours recognise Israel's right to existence and security without ifs or buts.
Second, we want to continue working towards a binding agreement that obliges Iran once and for all to end its military nuclear programme and its ballistic missile programme. Third, in return, we want to contribute our share to Iran stabilising in the future and getting back on its feet economically. Europe will be a decisive success factor here. And finally, fourth, we want to support the Iranian people in freely deciding their own fate and in contributing to a stable and peaceful order in the region.
The federal government's view of developments in Iran is shaped by our own geopolitical exposure. Russia's war against Ukraine is in no way inferior to the injustice of the Iranian regime. Moscow's invasion of a peaceful neighbour is no more justifiable than the war of terror that Tehran has been waging against Israel for years. That is why the federal government is also pushing with all its might for a just peace for Ukraine. Today, Germany is, as you probably know, Kyiv's strongest supporter.
We appreciate the important negotiating work that the United States of America under President Trump is doing here, and we would like even closer transatlantic cooperation. We also want this cooperation at the negotiating table with Russia. We want to support the effort to move Russia towards compromises in the negotiations through pressure and sanctions. Anyone who wants security, peace and justice in the Middle East must also want them in Europe. And that is why the federal government, in transatlantic burden-sharing, provides a large part of the support for Ukraine against Russian aggression.
And that is why we do not lecture our partners about their military strikes against Iran. We want to work with them, with the necessary degree of realism, on an order of peace — in the Middle East just as much as in Europe. Thank you very much. We have time for a few questions.
Thank you. Mr Chancellor, I would like to ask again about your concern over an escalation of the conflict. There are calls around the world to attack targets. How much do you see Germany in the crosshairs here as well — and not only the Israeli and American institutions here, but generally? May I follow up on the remarks you made about international law? With Venezuela there was already the same question, whether one accuses the Americans of acting in violation of international law. In your own statement you criticised Iran above all, and just repeated that. So are there no concerns, even if one does not come to a final verdict, that this course of action is not compatible with the rules that have applied so far? Thank you.
I will start with the second question. We discussed the classification under international law of what is currently happening at length in the federal government. We see the dilemma that international law measures and steps — which we have repeatedly tried over the last few decades against a regime that is building up nuclear weapons and brutally oppressing its own people — have obviously achieved nothing. That puts us in a dilemma, but we can at least say this much in terms of international law: this is an ongoing conflict that has lasted for decades, which Israel and the United States of America now want to end through military strikes — both with regard to the terror that has engulfed the entire region and with regard to the development of nuclear-armed missiles.
There is no ideal moment at which one can undertake something like this, but there can be a moment at which it is too late. That is why our assessment is very comprehensive, with the result I have just described to you. As far as the threat to the Federal Republic of Germany is concerned: over the past ten years we have repeatedly experienced attacks in Europe and in Germany, for example against Iranians living here in exile. We know that Iranian intelligence services are active in Europe and in Germany, and that is why yesterday we already held domestic policy consultations on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the security situation, on what we can do to protect our own population and the Iranians living in Germany — including all institutions, all mosques, all embassy buildings, all facilities.
At my request, the federal interior minister already consulted extensively with the state interior ministers yesterday on the security situation. At present there are no indications that we would have to assume a very great threat, but we continue to monitor the overall situation through our intelligence services and police forces. There is a high level of attention from the security authorities in Germany, driven above all by the thought of protecting the people in the country, protecting our infrastructure, and also protecting those who are staying in Germany and hoping for a better future in their home country of Iran.
Mr Chancellor, barely seven weeks ago, from India, you essentially predicted the end of the Iranian regime — in the coming days or weeks, you said. What legitimacy do those now appointed in Iran as successors to the killed individuals have? Are these the people about whom, in the statement with the E3 just a few days ago, you called for efforts to continue negotiations? Will you propose to President Trump that he negotiate with these self-appointed successors?
Well, I pointed out to Herr Schmid that this regime, this mullah regime, no longer has any legitimacy whatsoever to remain in office. This assessment was not mine alone, but was shared by many. I said something just now about the end of part of these members of the regime. At the moment we do not know what future structures with which people will exist in Iran. The important thing — the most important thing from my point of view — is that the Iranian people now get the opportunity to decide for themselves about their political leadership. But we know neither possible acting actors nor groups that would be capable of doing so.
That is why I also pointed out in my statement that carrying out such a military action now is not without risk, including in the division of labour between Israel and the United States of America. There will be a day after, and that day after must be a day after in peace, in freedom, with democratic elections and with good neighbourly relations across the whole region. And at the present point in time that is not yet foreseeable. We hope for it, but we are not certain. Time for one last question.
