As you saw, I had a discussion lasting about roughly 40 minutes with Mr. Tamás Sulyok, the president of the republic. It has been quite an intense day. Today, for the first time in a year and a half, as the chairman of Hungary's strongest political party, I was finally able to appear on Hungarian public media. Everyone could clearly see and hear precisely why this propaganda machine absolutely must be dismantled, or why the current system desperately needs to be reformed. I believe it was perfectly obvious to everyone.
And then I came here to the Sándor Palace at the president's invitation to what was once Count Móric Sándor's former palace. He was that legendary devil rider, wasn't he? One of Hungary's most famous horsemen, who even rode his horse up these very stairs, causing great alarm among the ladies. This building later served as the palace for the then current Hungarian prime minister. Among others, Pál Teleki also worked here and tragically committed suicide here during the World War. After the regime change, during the first Orbán government, they decided the prime minister's office would move here again.
This building was also beautifully renovated, but after a change of government, the socialist government decided that it wouldn't be the prime minister moving in here, but rather the incumbent Hungarian president. László Sólyom, my former godfather, was the very first to move in here as the president of the republic. I thanked Mr. President for the invitation, which was clearly an invitation in line with established traditions. He informed me about what the schedule will be for the convocation of the new parliament. We reached an agreement on a couple of matters. Immediately after me, in just a few minutes, the outgoing prime minister will be arriving here, and the president will also be consulting with him, as well as with the chairman of the third party that secured seats in parliament.
The president informed me that as the leader of the party with the most votes, he will ask me at the inaugural session of the National Assembly to form the government. He will ask me to be prime minister, and after the Hungarian parliament elects me prime minister, I will then receive the mandate to form a government. He also announced that as early as this Friday, discussions will commence among the leaders of the political parties with the involvement of both the director general of Sándor Palace and the director general of the parliament concerning the prospective parliamentary committees and the proceedings of the inaugural session itself.
I agree with this, and the Tisza Party will be delegating several leaders here to take part in this meeting, which is ceremonial but also a political consultation. The president stated that, according to his calculations, the inaugural session of parliament could take place at the earliest, perhaps after the May 1st long weekend, on May 4th. But realistically, he said that May 6th or 7th could be the one or two days when the inaugural session could be held. According to the Hungarian Fundamental Law, within 30 days after the parliamentary election, the inaugural session must be convened at the latest. It is May 12th today, of course, but we had agreed that the president would call the inaugural session for the earliest possible date, even sooner than this.
He believes, and I think everyone believes, that it is in the Hungarian nation's best interest that after such a strong electoral mandate, the change of government, and at the same time a change of system, should happen as quickly as possible. Up until now, we have agreed on everything with the president, and now I'd like to move on to the other part. I told the president, we've known each other personally for quite some time, that I can repeat the very same thing here with him, face-to-face, in this wonderful blue salon, right next to the Maria Theresa Salon, that the Hungarian people did not vote for merely a change of government, but rather for a complete change of system.
I reiterated to him as well that in my eyes and in the eyes of the Hungarian people, he is utterly unworthy to embody the unity of the Hungarian nation, completely unfit to oversee the rule of law, and both unfit and unworthy to serve as a moral compass or a role model for the Hungarian people. Because there were so many occasions when he really could have spoken out in defense of the Hungarian people and for the defenseless Hungarian children, or he should have been diligently guarding the democratic state order, as things came to light that are completely unacceptable and simply untenable in a state governed by law, in a pluralistic democracy.
For instance, that they are plundering the country, robbing the National Bank, and also that the executive branch, just like in the 1950s, is using the secret services for partisan political aims, and attempting to dismantle the strongest Hungarian opposition party. They are working against the party's president, trying to destroy civilians. And I reminded the president of the destruction of thousands of Hungarian minor children and his silence. I asked him to preserve the remnants of Hungarian rule of law and democracy by voluntarily resigning from his office after the government change, the parliament votes me in as prime minister, and I establish the Tisza government.
I asked him to carefully consider our arguments. I informed him that if he does not willingly step down from his position, then we will exercise the mandate received from the voters, and through a constitutional amendment and all necessary modifications, we will remove him from his office along with all the other puppets whom the Orbán regime appointed in his place, be it the chief prosecutor or indeed the president of the Constitutional Court. The president gave a rather enigmatic response to this particular query of mine. He stated that he too naturally wishes to uphold the rule of law and safeguard Hungary's international reputation and its good name abroad. He would carefully consider, the president mentioned, the arguments I presented regarding his potential departure from office.
We parted ways with the understanding that the most important thing now is the earliest possible convocation of parliament's inaugural session, the formation of the new government, because we are in the middle of an energy crisis, in a situation where the country's strategic crude oil reserves have decreased by roughly 20%. The government does nothing except Facebooking to solve this problem. The outgoing Kádár government provides us with absolutely no information, even though it would be entirely reasonable to expect in any normally functioning country that the leader of a party that has won an election with an overwhelming mandate, the incoming prime minister, should be thoroughly briefed by the outgoing prime minister on all the most crucial matters affecting the nation.
I asked the president, I sought his intervention, to communicate this message to the outgoing prime minister, who was at that very moment getting ready for the meeting on the terrace of the Carmelite Palace. My request was that we should coordinate on the important issues, and that they should make decisions, but exclusively those decisions that are truly significant for the energy security of Hungary and for its overall national security. Soon the outgoing prime minister and the president of Mi Hazánk will arrive here, and we will continue on Friday. As I mentioned, representatives from all 10 parties will be attending this consultation, and we truly hope that once all legal avenues for appeal have been exhausted, the inaugural session of parliament will indeed be convened as swiftly as possible.
That's all I can tell you for now. The crucial point is that I shall receive the mandate to form the government, and the president will then carefully consider my arguments concerning his resignation. If you permit, I will answer three or four questions, and then I must depart, as I soon have important telephone conversations with the leaders of the world. I am very pleased that the American president also stated that we will be able to cooperate well, and that he spoke of me in very friendly words. Soon I will speak with Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu.
Yesterday I spoke with Turkish President Erdoğan, but overall, I managed to have phone consultations with more than 20 European and other leaders. These were constructive and friendly phone conversations, both with Central European countries and with leaders of other major states, and I had the opportunity to invite these leaders to 2026 for October 23rd, the 70th anniversary of the 1956 revolution here in Budapest, to celebrate our revolutionaries and also the fact that the Hungarian people decided in the April 12th election that they wish to live in a truly sovereign, free, independent Hungary.
I have also accepted the invitations of several prime ministers, presidents, and chancellors to European and other capitals. I am truly delighted that we will be able to cooperate effectively, and I'm also pleased that I can visit the Czech Republic, Poland, or Slovenia, and that the leaders of the surrounding countries are happy to come to Hungary, allowing us to build a much more successful and sincere collaboration than ever before. A strong Central Europe, which, in my opinion, is essential not just for Hungary, but equally for Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia.
We extend our sincere gratitude to our Polish and other friends for being here with us and for welcoming with the same profound joy Hungary's liberation and the fact that Hungary can once again be a truly European, independent, democratic, and sovereign nation, just as they themselves are. Thank you very much for your kind attention. If you have any questions, please do go ahead and ask. Please do go ahead.
Thank you very much. The question from Telex was about how the president reacted when I also conveyed these very words to him, that he is unsuitable and unworthy to represent the unity of the Hungarian nation. And the second question was whether we have a nominee for the presidential office, and if we do, would we prefer someone who could be elected through broad consensus and whom even Fidesz could endorse. The first question, I say that it was a normal, polite conversation, and I told the president in advance not to take it personally and that he already knows our position, and he said that he knows it precisely, and he said to this that he would consider my argument. So I elaborated at length. It was no accident that we spoke for 40-45 minutes just like I'm speaking to you now.
The answer to the second question is this, and we actually discussed this with the president as well, whether it wouldn't be worthwhile to amend the constitution with a slightly more robust presidential authority. Wouldn't it be worth considering perhaps holding a direct presidential election? I told him that I personally, even as a future prime minister, would be glad if we could further limit the powers of the Hungarian prime minister of any given time with checks and balances so that what happened in the last 16 years could not happen again. He actually agreed with this, as the Hungarian president is currently one of the presidents in Europe with the weakest powers. Orbán's government further weakened its jurisdiction. For example, regarding preliminary constitutional review, one cannot turn to the constitutional court in many respects.
What I can tell you is that we would like to hold a very swift social and professional consultation on this matter regarding whether the next president should be elected under the current system or perhaps already under a new one, and we certainly want to strive for a consensus. I am sure we do not have a specific candidate, if that was your question. We want a candidate who truly embodies the unity of the Hungarian nation. Fortunately, Hungary has had more than just one president since 1990, even though many of them in fact came from one political side or another, but they were still able to operate in such a way and the people themselves truly believe that they embody the unity of the nation.
Here are the paintings of every former Hungarian president and I can truly say that whether it was Árpád Göncz, Ferenc Mádl or László Sólyom, people genuinely remembered and could recall the unity of the nation. After the party state began to establish itself, this could no longer be said. So we would like to strive for consensus. Are there any more questions perhaps?
Thank you very much. The question from Blick is what we agreed on over the phone. Sorry, RTL. My apologies. I meant RTL. I apologize. The question from RTL is what we agreed upon with the president of the European Commission yesterday during our phone call regarding the conditions and timing for the arrival of the EU funds rightfully due to the Hungarian people. I can tell you that this was our second telephone conversation and it was certainly more detailed than the one on election night when the president merely offered her congratulations to me.
I clearly told him, and we had made it clear before, that we can only agree to conditions that are good for the Hungarian people, good for Hungarian businesses and generally for our country. We also stated that the Fidesz government in Brussels and Strasbourg, but also in Washington, Moscow, anywhere, will always represent Hungary's interests. We have stated that in four specific areas we are able to implement modifications very rapidly because the European Commission and other European institutions expect these to become actual laws and regulations, not just simple commitments.
One of these involves anti-corruption measures, Hungary's accession to the European Public Prosecutor's Office, the establishment of a new anti-corruption agency and the strengthening of the integrity authorities' rights and legal force. The second is restoring and reinforcing the independence of the judiciary and all investigative authorities. The third is a truly free press. This means the full restoration of press freedom and the termination and curbing of all illegal state support for propaganda. The fourth point is the freedom of academia, the full restoration of universities to their academic citizens and the senate as well as the return of research institutions to the researchers and, as they say in Brussels, full staff.
We stated this and agreed that we would commence informal consultations even before the government formation. The committee's president has designated their negotiator and I have also designated ours, and I will be working to ensure that after the government is formed sometime in early May, hopefully by mid-May at the very latest, then after I have visited Warsaw and then Vienna, a day later we can already be in Brussels to discuss that the agreement is in place and that the EU funds can finally arrive.
We agreed with the president that the deadline is extremely, extremely tight because the fate of several thousand billion forints will be decided by the end of August and we not only need to reach an agreement, not only get a green light, but also launch the specific projects and draw down the funds. This is a very, very tight deadline. For several years, the Orbán government has essentially done nothing. They left behind these 8,000 billion forints while indebting our country.
We want to bring about, to implement the exact opposite of this, and we agreed, and the president also agreed, that it cannot be otherwise than for Hungary to receive this money since all 26 other member states have already received it. This money is due to the Hungarian people, to Hungarian hospitals, the Hungarian road system, the Hungarian railways, Hungarian small and medium enterprises and to Hungarian farmers too. So we will do everything we can as quickly as possible to ensure this agreement is reached, always protecting the interest of the Hungarian people. Please.
Thank you. The media question from Gyulai's Radio was regarding how tense this conversation with the president has been. If the morning discussion on public television was a 10, then I would rate this one a mere one. There was no tension whatsoever. Well, the president and I know each other from previous occasions and I believe it was a thoroughly civilized conversation. Afterwards, he even showed me his own office. Above the president's desk hangs a picture of Deák, Ferenc Deák. He showed us the Maria Theresa Hall and he also showed me and my colleagues the Mirror Hall where he usually presents the awards and where the new government members will take their oaths.
We went out together to the terrace from where Hungary's most beautiful view can be seen and we looked over to the Carmelite Terrace where the outgoing prime minister was preparing. One last question, please.
Could you repeat it, please? Because I... Could you repeat it, please?
Hungary's Prime Minister Orbán. Well, I can say to you that the new government will be inaugurated somewhere in the middle of May, or maybe there is a chance before the 10th of May, and I don't want to comment on the rational authorities. It's not my task. I want to thank everyone very much for being here. I wish you all good work and all the very best. Goodbye and until we meet again. Thank you very much. All the best.
