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Viet Dinh
Special Advisor, Fox Corp Class B

A Conversation with Viet D. Dinh JD’93, Chief Legal and Policy Officer, Fox Corporation

🎥 Dec 29, 2023 📺 HLS CLP ⏱ 68m
On October 16, Viet D. Dinh JD'93, Chief Legal and Policy Officer at the Fox Corporation, joined David B. Wilkins, Faculty Director ...
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About Viet Dinh

Viet Dinh, the former chief legal and policy officer of Fox Corporation, has spoken about the legal and business decisions surrounding Fox's coverage of the 2020 election and the subsequent defamation lawsuit by Dominion Voting Systems. In a 2023 conversation at Harvard Law School, Dinh said that Fox's thesis was that the six weeks after the November 2020 election were "incredibly newsworthy" and that the network had a "duty to cover those allegations." He described the decision to settle the Dominion lawsuit as a business decision made to "save the organization from the cultural and reputational cost of going through this very long and hard fought trial." Dinh also stated that Fox distinguishes between news and opinion, with opinion shows protected as "political expression at the highest level of the Constitution." Dinh has also reflected on his earlier role as the chief architect of the USA PATRIOT Act, describing it as a "very limited piece of legislation" that updated the law to modern technology. He has characterized the January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol as "the absolute lowest point in our constitutional democracy" and "more offensive to my constitutional belief in democratic capitalism than even a foreign terrorist attack." In other remarks, Dinh has discussed the importance of judicial independence, the balance between liberty and security, and his personal background as a Vietnamese American who came to the U.S. as a child.

Source: AI-verified profile updated from Viet Dinh's recent appearances. Browse all interviews →

Transcript (24 segments)
D
David Wilkins0:01
Thank you all very much for coming. My name is David Wilkins. For those of you I haven't met, which I think is a lot of you because I think we have a lot of first-year students, I am the faculty director of something called the Center on the Legal Profession, which its goal is to do exactly what it sounds like: to try to both study and teach about the profession, and to give students an idea of what are the opportunities and possibilities for professional careers, but also to talk about the complex and interesting issues that lawyers often find themselves in the middle of. My guess is today we're going to have a good opportunity to examine some of those issues. Before we get started, just a couple of housekeeping rules. This is being both recorded and live streamed. The only people on camera are Viet and me, and students' voices will not be recorded, except to the extent they get picked up by our lavalier mics. These are the only mics that are hot. That's why when we get time for questions, and I promise we are going to save a very good amount of time for questions from all of you, and Viet has generously agreed to answer any question that people have for him here. I will repeat the questions because there are a couple of thousand people on the live stream, and my guess as many more will watch after that, which is an indication of why I'm very delighted that we're having this event here today. Let me just say a little bit by way of background. I first met Viet on the very first day of his law school experience in 1990, in Civil Procedure in the old Harvard Law School, which means there were 140 people in his Civil Procedure class. I think we were in Langdell North or something like that. I had a giant seating chart in front of me just with names on them; we hadn't even figured out how to put pictures on them. In typical Harvard Law School fashion, I was going to call on a student to recite the facts of the case, which I think was Goldberg v. Kelly at the time, and I looked down on my chart, and I saw "Dinh." I said, "Ms. Dinh, please." It turned out there was a silence, and then a sheepish hand: "I'm Mr. Dinh." That's how we first met. We became quite close that year here because, as some of you know, and we'll only talk a little bit about this in general now because we have many more issues to cover, I think it's well worth knowing Viet has an incredible personal story. He and his family literally escaped via a boat from Vietnam after the fall of Saigon. He arrived in this country basically and worked picking vegetables in his early life, first maybe in Texas before moving to California, or was it Oregon before moving to California, where he was quite frankly discovered by a teacher who said, "You know, you are really bright. You should have higher aspirations than he probably thought he could ever have for himself." He ends up coming to Harvard College and doing exceedingly well, and then coming to Harvard Law School. But by the time we met, his sister, who had stayed behind when his mother and several of his siblings had left on a boat, had stayed behind because his father had been imprisoned and she wanted to stay with him. She stayed, and eventually her father escaped, and eventually she escaped, but she was caught in a Hong Kong refugee camp. So at the time we met, I'm not quite sure, I think I was having lunch with all my students in groups of 10 or something like that, and we talked, and he told me the story. I said, "Well, let me see what we can do to help." So we spent much of the next year enlisting people we knew who were in the Bush Administration, the H.W. Bush Administration at the time. Bill Alford, who you just met, who wasn't unfortunately able to be here, also chipped in, as did several other professors, and we managed to get his sister out of that refugee camp. We've stayed in touch ever since. I think it's fair to say we don't agree on everything, and that may come out here. We have different views on a lot of different kinds of things, but he remains one of the most extraordinary people that I've met. When we were in touch around the death of Charles Ogletree, who was also a mentor of Viet when he was here and was a dear friend of mine, I said to him, "Viet, if you're ever around, you should come and talk to students about some of the issues that you have been dealing with. I'm sure there will be tremendous interest." The fact that there's kind of standing room only in the back of the room shows that there is indeed. As I said, I promise there'll be lots of time for questions, and Viet has graciously agreed to answer any question or at least engage with any question that anybody has. But we're going to start out by talking a little bit about how he got to his current position as the General Counsel at Fox, and then some of the issues that he's confronted there, and what the role of the General Counsel is in those issues. This is partly my interest and our interest in the Center and the Legal Profession: to talk about what is the role of lawyers, particularly General Counsels, which is a role that there's been, quite frankly, very little attention to, especially in law schools, and yet I'm going to argue is one of the most important roles in the legal profession, because General Counsels sit at a very interesting place between law and business. I know we have a lot of members of the Association of Law and Business here, between internal facing in the company and external facing in the world. They encounter many important public issues, and the question is, what's the role of the General Counsel in those sorts of issues? Because they are not the owners and managers of the business, they're not the clients, and yet they play a very influential role. With that in mind, Viet, I want to start here. Before you took the role at Fox, you had pretty much every job anyone could have in the legal profession. You'd been a law clerk, including on the Supreme Court for Justice O'Connor. You had worked in the Department of Justice as an Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Policy. You had been a law professor for 20 years at Georgetown. You had started your own law firm, which was kind of the first of what we now see several of, which are kind of boutique Supreme Court-focused or appellate-focused litigation boutiques. You had then negotiated the merger of that boutique into one of the biggest, most successful law firms in the country, Kirkland & Ellis. Many of you know. So after all that, why did you decide you were interested in being a General Counsel?
V
Viet Dinh8:37
Great question. Thank you very much, David, for being here. I just want to say, since you brought up the story of my origin story here at Harvard Law School, I owe everything to this place, and a whole lot of it to you. You know, if you know immigration law or refugee law, you know that people who come into a country are not entitled to any rights because there's an exclusion doctrine. My sister was being held in a detention camp just in the New Territories in Hong Kong, and there was no way for us to get any legal recourse. I remember Bill Alford hooked us up with a Queen's Counsel and a solicitor in Hong Kong. I talked to David and Anarie, who were very, very helpful navigating the non-legal advocacy, if you will. It was their idea that I write and send an op-ed piece to the New York Times to Anthony Lewis, who has great ties to this place, who then guaranteed to publish it. We worked with television networks and the like, and David and Anarie guided us every single step of the way. The day that we landed in Hong Kong with the NBC News crew was the day that the Hong Kong government released her from the detention camp in order to process her as a refugee. So very early on, David and Harvard and all the people, Deborah Anker who's the immigration expert, navigating the US immigration process, taught me early on that what we learn in the classroom can be amplified by a whole lot of other mechanisms to do law. What we advocate in the courtroom can be augmented with a whole lot of other tools in order to solve clients' problems and to get to the desired result. In all of those various stops along the way, and I do admit it has been a bit of a peripatetic journey, in each one of those I called on the same essential set of skills: the critical thinking, the logical, the advocacy not through fist-pounding but through the exploration and exposition, and ultimately to solve problems using a whole variety of tools that are at your disposal. By the time I joined the company as Chief Legal Officer, I had been on the board for 15 years. I joined the board of the company in various iterations. It started out as News Corporation, and spun off News Corp, and became 21st Century Fox, and then we sold two-thirds of that company to Disney, and then we were starting the Fox Corporation, which is now the third iteration of the company, but with a blank sheet of paper. One of my good friends whom I got to know on the board became CEO, and he asked me to come and take up the current position. You're right that it is a bit of a deviation from the journey that I had before, which if you notice, it's a multi-client, multi-disciplinary, multi-venture. I had a lot of fingers in many pots, and it is a bit of a difference to be focused into one corporation, one client, one set of issues. But it was very exciting because we were building it from scratch, and we were building it together as friends, as colleagues, together as a focused operation. So it was a very natural professional move for me. It's also personal. My mom had passed away about a year before, and I wanted to move back to be closer to my dad, who's now 92 and thriving. That to me is one of the best decisions I made. So it's a mix of both personal and professional. Now that it's five years on, my ultimate boss, Rupert Murdoch, has announced that he is retiring from the company. We also had our independent lead director retiring from the company. We thought it was time for me to go back to my roots as a multi-venture, multi-disciplinary, multi-client journey, now that the company is well established.
D
David Wilkins13:10
So Viet, that multi-disciplinary, multi-client, multi-functional idea, I want to pick up on which I think will lead us into some of the substantive discussion. I said General Counsel is a unique role because of where it sits, but often, and this was the case with you, you had multiple hats. In other words, you were the Chief Legal and Compliance Officer, but you were also the Chief Policy Officer, you were also head of Government Relations and Public Relations, and you also sat in as a member of what I think is called the Office of the Chairman. Can you say a few words about how you think about those multiple roles, particularly the aspect of those roles that are legal on the one hand? If you think of yourself as the General Counsel or the Chief Compliance Officer, that sounds very legal in ways that the students I think can understand. But when you start talking about public relations, government affairs, strategy, all those other things, how did you, what are the lines between where you are as a lawyer and where you are in these other roles, and how is that in turn distinguished from the people who are making the substantive policy, business decisions, editorial content, whatever, for the network itself?
V
Viet Dinh14:49
Fox Corporation is a bit more than Fox News. We have the Fox Broadcasting Company, we have the Fox Television Stations, we have a direct consumer service called Tubi, which is a free ad-supported streaming service. But the core of Fox is the Fox network, which brings you the NFC football every single week. Unfortunately, this last week the Eagles did not comply with our programming needs. And of course, that includes Fox News and Fox Business. Fox Corporation, our corporate entity, oversees all of these business units, but uniquely, each of the business units themselves are overseen by their own management teams. So we have a CEO of Fox News, a CEO of Fox Sports, a CEO of Fox Entertainment, a CEO of Tubi, a CEO of the Fox Television Stations. All of these units are run locally by the business unit heads. Among the various roles that roll up to me, we also have key colleagues. For example, the General Counsel who's head of all legal is Jeff Taylor, who was a 1991 graduate, a career prosecutor, and was US Attorney for the District of Columbia. Very, very capable lawyer. Before that, he was at the White House, at GM, before we enticed him with comfort and beaches and fast cars. Then our Chief underneath him, our head of litigation and Chief Compliance and Ethics Officer, ultimately rolling up to me, oversees all ethics decisions as well as litigation. He is another former US Attorney for the District of Nevada, Nick Trutanic. He was also Deputy Attorney General of Nevada. So we have very capable people doing all of their various functions. We have a head of Government Affairs in Washington DC who is very, very capable. Previously, he was the Chief of Staff to then-Senator Biden for a number of years, and now he is succeeded by another colleague. We have all these teams that are very capable of doing their jobs. My job essentially is to help Lachlan, he is the Chief Executive Officer and Executive Chairman. He bears the burden and responsibility of making all decisions for the company, obviously feeding up through the business unit heads as well as the staff that he has at corporate. Anything that is legal, compliance, government affairs obviously rolls up through to me, and I report to Lachlan. The one thing that I am very, very cognizant of, and our lawyers are very cognizant of, is not to misuse our position into a leverage point for business or other decisions. I think one of the key issues when a lawyer functions in a business is quite often one uses one's legal position as a way to impose one's will through the business unit. That to me is a misuse of the legal function and your core competency as a lawyer. If you have a strategic view, if you have a business point of view, by all means contribute to that. Nobody has a monopoly on good thinking. But don't say that this has to be done this way because I'm a lawyer and I insist you do it this way. I think that our organization is very mindful that we don't misuse our legal authority into encroaching into other areas. We all participate in all decisions because it's very collaborative, it should be. But there's no insistence that 'I'm a lawyer, therefore it has to be done this way.' At times, it has to be. When it is a legal, compliance, liability question, then one has to put one's foot down as a lawyer and say, 'You cannot do this,' and that word is law, because otherwise significant consequences will follow. But often we're talking about business decisions, then we're all bringing it together, bringing different perspectives, bringing different considerations. That's the key point that your question gets at: how do I as a business person know when to contribute to the business decision as opposed to how I as a lawyer will insist on something being done a certain way because the law requires it, or because not doing it another way would impose unacceptable risk of legal or other liability?
D
David Wilkins20:13
So this brings us to an issue that every one of the students knows, and that's put you both in the news and maybe in the hot seat a little bit, and that's the Dominion voting litigation and the penumbra around it. Here you've got something that is both on the one hand legal, it's a lawsuit that's been brought against your clients, but it also implicates things that are at the core of what the business model of Fox News is, how Fox News exercises its editorial judgment. All of these things are wrapped together in this lawsuit, which presumably as a lawyer you have tremendous, I mean you are the chief lawyer running the litigation strategy, and you are also a member of this larger management team. Can you talk a little bit about that? Obviously, there was a lot of publicity around this lawsuit. There was an $800 million settlement eventually around this lawsuit. There was a lot of discussion about what that meant about the underlying conduct.
V
Viet Dinh21:41
785 million, who's counting? The two distinctions which you've made: yes, in the conduct of litigation, the backward look, looking at liability ascription, I as the Chief Legal Officer oversee the entire litigation, aided by a very capable set of lawyers. Jeff and Nick, who I mentioned before, but we have a very capable General Counsel of Fox News, Bernard Gugar, who was General Counsel of Harpo Productions before Oprah Winfrey's company, and he has a Deputy General Counsel there who was a litigation partner at Kirkland & Ellis. So we have a very good deep bench in-house, and of course we have, at one count, hundreds of outside lawyers. Probably the best trial lawyer in the country, Dan Webb, and I'm biased, but clearly the best appellate lawyer in the country, certainly now and of his generation, Paul Clement. So there was this whole litigation team. Our thesis was very simple. Our thesis was very straightforward: we are in the news business, and the six weeks following the November 9th elections of 2020 were incredibly newsworthy. Why? Because you have the sitting President of the United States contesting the result of an election that he lost, and hiring lawyers to go to court in order to challenge the initial election results, and asserting that he at the end of the day will have enough electors to overturn the election. Why do I say six weeks? Because by our laws, December 15th is when the electors have to be certified by the state legislatures in order for the House of Representatives to recognize it. So it's a very discrete period of time with what I consider to be incredibly newsworthy events. We as a news organization would not be doing our jobs if we did not have the responsibility and the duty to cover those allegations. It was a live ball, and it was hotly contested. We knew we were right in the law. The trial judge put us in a situation increasingly where it was very obvious that we were not able to win the trial, but we were very confident we would prevail on appeal. As the judge compounded error upon error, we would get more and more confident in our ultimate chances of prevailing on appeal, because at some point it became not just a matter of reversible error, it called into the fundamental fairness and integrity of the Delaware Civil Justice System. We had a situation where I had Dan Webb threatening to commit suicide in his hotel room because he saw no way to win this at trial, and I've got Paul Clement doing cartwheels in his hotel room saying, 'Wow, I'm going to be the hero, winning this case back for the company and for the First Amendment and American democracy.' One example was the judge ruled that we cannot prove falsity because the election clearly was won by President Biden, no one disputes that. But that wasn't our argument. Our argument is the truth or falsity of the fact that we cover the allegations as allegations. There was no question in our mind that the President was making these allegations, he's doing it on TV on our air and others. There's no question that Rudy Giuliani was making these allegations. There's no question that Sidney Powell was making these allegations. We as a news organization had a duty to cover those allegations. So the truth or falsity is not the truth or falsity of the allegations, but the truth or falsity of the fact that they made the allegations. That to me is a critical conceptual and legal mistake, the conflation of the two, that led the judge to really, I would say, illogical holdings. We cannot mention the First Amendment in our trial presentation. We cannot mention the word 'newsworthiness' in our trial presentation. Those are the kind of things that really hamstrung Dan's ability to present and ultimately to defend the case before a jury. We were confident of our position on appeal. The more these errors compounded, the more cartwheels Paul Clement did because his job becomes a lot easier. But it also meant that we're going to have three to four months of just utter pain with all our witnesses being presented in court and Dan Webb not being able to do his job. You mentioned that we had 250 reporters in the courtroom because it was a very hotly covered controversy. Ultimately, even though we were confident, I still am confident, we as an organization are still confident in the legal arguments and legal strategy, the business decision was made to save the organization from the cultural and reputational cost of going through this very long and hard-fought trial, especially as we are walking into an early primary season of another hotly contested and very exciting electoral process. You can see the primary season doesn't start this early normally, but it does, and who do we have as the leading Republican candidate? The same guy who was contesting the 2020 election. So the business decision is to take the pain so that we can do our job in the next cycle to cover the newly launched presidential election of 2024. That's as clear as I can make it in terms of how our thinking went and still goes. It also goes to your first point, your repeating point, David, that my job as a lawyer is to give the clearest legal advice, make the best legal judgment, hire the absolute best lawyers to advance our case in court, incidentally to defend the First Amendment of the United States and our constitutional democracy, not small beer here. But my job ends there to a certain point, and a business decision has to be made as to whether or not the principle is worth the cost to the institution. There are limits to the legal position, there are limits to the business judgment. What I said before is what I think would be a misuse of power is for me to say, 'I'm the lawyer, I insist on going to trial,' without regard to the business implications, because that's clearly an overreach of the legal position, even though we thought we would ultimately win.
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David Wilkins29:31
Thank you for that. One of the things you said there that my guess is again, and we're going to go to questions pretty shortly, I've just got a couple more things I want to ask, is of course about the First Amendment and about its effect on democracy. That was of course one of the big issues that people have talked about, particularly in light of what happened on January 6th. One of the questions about Fox News that my guess is in one sense editorial, but in one sense maybe also legal, particularly with respect to the role of the General Counsel, is what is the line between reporting on the news, the news reporting division, and the editorial content and the editorialization of Fox News hosts? As a General Counsel, presumably there must be legal constraints around both of those things, but they're not necessarily the same thing. How do you as a General Counsel, what is your role particularly with respect to the second of these things, because I think that was the one probably that engendered the most attention and controversy around this issue?
V
Viet Dinh31:05
First of all, I do want to make a distinction between the post-election coverage and the January 6th coverage. I think that with all the Congressional hearings and everything else, everybody has been very clear that Fox was very clear in its coverage and very responsible in its air, both in terms of opinion as well as in coverage. January 6th was an abomination of American democracy, full stop, period. We called that, and every right-thinking American should be saying the same thing. The bigger question you raise is what are the safeguards, both in terms of prevention as well as remediation, do we have around editorial voice, especially as it turns into potential liability? Every single reporter, every single online and on-air talent, and all of their staff, goes through regular First Amendment and journalism basic journalism training, both in terms of actual malice, in terms of law, in terms of best practices. We do this with editorial, with the media lawyers, and with outside counsel. It's like painting a ship: you just keep on doing it, and then you keep revising, reiterating the training, and you keep on doing it for the entire core of people who are responsible for what goes on our air. The law is very clear that it is the speaker's intent that is at issue in a trial on libel where truth or falsity is the issue or actual malice is the issue, not the entire corporate intent. We're a company of 10,000 people. What I think in the heart of my heart really shouldn't matter. What Maria Bartiromo thinks is the truth and her reporting, that's what really matters. So truly, it's just the speaker and her.
The immediate staff of reporting to do their work as journalism is what counts. One of the unfortunate things that happened in Delaware was the judge ordered no relevance review. So you can imagine litigation whereby you just throw in search terms and the judge says nobody review anything, just get the data and dump it to the other side. You've got 25 million documents floating out there, probably half, at least half, maybe 70% of it is completely irrelevant to the case, but now everybody's emails, everybody's texts, including texts dealing with how we cover the news in other areas, are now exposed to the world. That's why you have 250 reporters, because we are naval gazing the industry, and there's no better way to naval gaze than read other people's texts and just put them out there to feed the gossip beast. Pretty quickly, the court lost control of the media circus to our detriment, and it severely affected our journalists' ability to do their job in an honest and earnest way, trusting the privacy and integrity of their own work. Besides the training, we trust primarily the reporters and the on-air people. That is their primary job. No amount of legal review, no amount of supervision will substitute for quality and integrity in the reporting process, and each person has that obligation to make sure that what he or she puts on air or in print is of quality and integrity, and we can stand behind it. There's a difference of course between news and opinion. All of our show hosts, it started out prime time 8 to 11, now extends from looks like from 7:00 after Bret Baier ends all the way through Gutfeld at 11 or midnight. Those are what we consider to be our opinion shows, where they comment on and editorialize on the events of the day. That to me is understood as opinion, protected as political expression at the highest level of the Constitution. So in many ways, the Constitution gives you better room to participate in democracy through opinion. The day parts we report as news, and obviously there is a higher obligation to verify the facts, check the news, and the like. The blend between the two and what our hosts say on the air, that itself, what we call editorial judgment, editorial selection, that itself is an opinion. That of itself is a deliberate choice to participate in American democracy in a particular way. If the entire media industry is taking one view, our deliberate editorial choice is to take a different, slightly different view. We say we are the center-right network. We will select stories based upon that point of view, which happens to be in our belief coincide with America's view, but irrelevant because we want to fill that marketplace that is severely underserved. And that has worked because it is the most popular not only news but cable network in America for 20 years running. It is a deliberate editorial choice that in itself is protected by the First Amendment. So just as the New York Times chooses to go a different way, just as the Washington Post goes a different way, just as CNN, if anybody still watches it, goes a different way. Sorry, that was narcissistic.
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David Wilkins37:37
So I'm going to go to questions from the audience, but I have one last thing that builds on exactly what you said. Because there was no on-air host whose opinion was more amplified and also whose emails were more exposed than Tucker Carlson. And Tucker Carlson eventually was fired from Fox. So you're the general counsel. I cannot imagine that that decision would have happened without it coming to your desk. And while many of the things we've been talking about you've been critiqued from the left, I'd say there's been a fair amount of criticism from the right about the firing of Tucker Carlson. How does that fit in with what you just talked about, and in particular, what's the role of the general counsel in making that decision?
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Viet Dinh38:36
The way I will answer it, I apologize, with just a little clarification. Tucker has not been fired. He remains on contract with us and is being paid very handsomely by us. His contract has a clause that is very common in media contracts. It's a pay-or-play contract, which is that we as the network have the option whether or not to put him on air. The only consequence of us not putting him on air is we pay him to be hanging out in Maine or in Florida. So as the lawyer, we made the decision that was the proper way to handle the situation. It continues to be the case. Obviously, what goes on our air is not my decision. It is a core editorial decision that's made by Suzanne Scott, our CEO, by the way, the only, I think still, no, somebody else joined, but certainly the most powerful and effective woman executive in the news business. She's incredibly good at what she does. She makes the decision who goes on air, who doesn't. The kind of personnel decision that she and Lachlan Murdoch make together. That's core business and editorial decision. My job is to execute it from a legal perspective, how best to handle and execute the decision. And one thing to make clear, there's been some really bad reporting, both by journalists and one author, that somehow Tucker not appearing on air was a quid pro quo for the Dominion settlement. Absolutely untrue. Never in the conversation, never part of the settlement. Both we and Dominion have said it on the record repeatedly. I think this is just a complete fabrication by journalists trying to look for a story when there wasn't one. In terms of the actual decision, obviously Suzanne and Lachlan have spoken elsewhere regarding their decision, but it follows the same train of thought I said before. We are getting ready to cover a very long and very contentious presidential cycle with a whole lot of stuff going on around the world: Russia, Ukraine, Middle East, China, just everywhere. And the same leading Republican candidate that we had just four years ago, who still doesn't believe that the president won the election. I think Suzanne wanted to make sure that we have a very good slate going into this season. Jesse coming into 7 o'clock is a welcome addition. The rejiggering of the lineup has been positive. The early returns are good in terms of ratings, and more importantly, viewer satisfaction. So I think these things are hard, risk-based and reward-based decisions that in many ways are not in my core competency, but it's for the executives who make these. But these are hard decisions, there's no question about it. Tucker was not only the most popular person on our network, he's the most popular television personality period. And the ability to take him off the air, everybody knew had some consequences.
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David Wilkins42:23
The floor is open. Please.
So, Viet, sorry, you don't mind, I'm just going to repeat the question, such a good question I had to jump in. So the question was, if Fox has had for a long time owned the kind of center-right audience, there are now new networks even further to the right. How does that affect not just the business model, but I think you excellently pointed out your legal risk tolerance for competing for that market?
V
Viet Dinh43:08
Yeah, the risk tolerance doesn't change because regardless of who your competitors are, how much competition you have, you have to make your own risk tolerance as to what's right and what's acceptable. The motivation is more subtle. Are there more subtle pressures to move away from your lane? Are there more subtle motivations to cut corners? Even though our tolerance doesn't change, it doesn't mean that we don't recognize the facts on the ground. When you're running full speed with competitors chasing you, you might be cutting corners a little faster than you would otherwise. I kind of like that to make sure that our brand, our company, and our people remain focused and competitive. I'd like to say that there's nothing that focuses the mind like an arrow pointing at your head. When you're getting really motivated is when you're in competition. That's why we play sports. Having competition both from the left as well as from the right means that we have more participants in the public conversation. Unlike a winner-take-all market, the more participants there are, the more interesting the conversation. So I truly mean it when I say I welcome the competition in the marketplace of ideas because that expands the marketplace of ideas, it makes it more interesting, it makes our product more sharp and more focused, and expands the potential number of eyeballs. The news business and the entertainment business is one of those things because we're not just competing against other news outlets, we're competing with World of Warcraft or Succession. That's fiction, that's entertainment. But a great question, really good question.
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David Wilkins45:19
Yes, please.
So, again, just to repeat the question for those of you who don't know, when Viet was in the Bush Administration after 9/11, he was one of the chief architects of what's been called the Patriot Act. I think the question was, looking back now, Viet, we've now had more than 20 years, and also looking forward in terms of what's happening in the world today, how do you think about the balance that was struck with that act, and what are the implications moving forward as technology allows us to be much more intrusive in terms of surveillance than was certainly the case when you were thinking about those issues in 2001?
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Viet Dinh46:45
Great question. But just as a matter of historical accuracy, a lot of what we now think of as the USA PATRIOT Act is not just the USA PATRIOT Act, which was a set of limited 40 provisions that we sent to Congress that was ultimately passed 99 to 1 by the Congress, nearly unanimously by the House of Representatives, and has been almost unanimously and consistently reauthorized by Congress for the last two decades. It is a limited set of governmental powers and restrictions to ensure that we had all the legal tools we needed to prosecute the war on terror. A whole lot of other activities happened after 9/11, the total information awareness, detention, and all that stuff, that is not within the USA PATRIOT Act but somehow has entered into the brand of the USA PATRIOT Act. But your point is valid. The USA PATRIOT Act itself dealt with a lot of updating the law to the technology because we had a lot of laws that were written in 1988, and obviously the internet in 2001 was a lot different. Since then, the last 25 years, it has grown even more exponentially. So yes, it is a continuing question. I do think that people who are in place in government, people like Lisa Monaco, who was the Deputy Attorney General, was in the department at the time, she was grappling with these issues as I was. I'm sure her team is thinking about these things to know how to have all the tools necessary to determine criminal and terrorist networks but at the same time protect the privacy and freedom of law-abiding citizens. Increasingly it gets harder. I completely accept that. Just as the practice of law gets increasingly harder. David and I met when the world was paper and pen, and then it was computers, and then it went from analog to digital, and now it becomes the era of mass data. I was amazed dealing with a case like with 25 million documents, of which two or three emails get blown up and show up in Vanity Fair. You have to understand, on the decision-making side, there are two lawyers, Paul Clement and Dan Webb, at the top of a tower of over a hundred lawyers, because that's how many lawyers it takes to process a case of this size, over here looking at a mountain of 25 million pages of documents. That's a practice of law that you and I are not familiar with. By the time Dan goes into court, he has one, maybe two binders. But the trick is how does Dan and Paul have the ability to access and understand and process these 25 million? You need the entire ability of that entire power of decision-makers to be able to process, search, and make evaluations of that entire mountain of 25 million pieces of data. That's just the practice of law. Think about that in terms of investigations, in terms of backward-looking criminal investigations, and in all host of other areas of our society where massive amounts of data are being ingested almost on a second-by-second basis with a multitude of decision-makers. I think that's when technology also can help, because now we have the ability to use AI to help us through some of that. I wish I had more of that available so that I, as one of the people in the tower, can have access to one or two of those emails and texts within that mountain. But I think the rules and the use of technology will hopefully help us solve this issue because it is very, very hard. I complain about the fact that the 25 million should have been five million had there been a relevance review. What are the rules that we impose on society, on legal processes, on discovery, to make sure that the 24 million that does not belong is not exposed to the world for prurient or non-relevant purposes? But I think you're absolutely right, and that's why I love things like the Center for the Profession to allow us to think about these second-order and third-order issues rather than just how do we process these 25 million documents for the 100 decision-makers, but actually think one level up about how we do that more efficiently, and then third level up, how do we do it in advance of the administration of justice, both criminal and civil. So we will be talking lots more about this over the course of the year and several years, and I hope that those of you interested in this will stay tuned because it's important for everything, as you said, immigration, security, surveillance, privacy. But lawyers increasingly are in the middle of all of these discussions.
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David Wilkins52:17
Other? Yes, please.
Just again, sorry, just to repeat. No, no, but there was a great question. The essence of it is, Viet said that every on-air person and others get training in the First Amendment. The question really was, how are you training on the issue of malice, which is both a legal standard but obviously also a judgment call, and has that training changed, particularly in light of the fact that in the settlement there is an acknowledgement that the standard may have been met? And certainly, whatever was acknowledged in the settlement, whether the emails should have been disclosed or not, a lot of what people read looked as though it might have been something at least that somebody should have been thinking about in terms of training for malice moving forward.
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Viet Dinh54:13
Great question. Just a point of clarification. We did not make that statement in the settlement. It was a statement that repeats what I say here. I think despite the settlement, we are very proud of the work of the men and women of Fox, especially Fox News, and in no way will the settlement or any of the associated developments deter us from doing our job as practitioners and purveyors of First Amendment activity. We firmly believe in that duty and responsibility that we owe to American democracy. Of course, we have to do it responsibly, and that's why the training that we go through. You're right, malice is not about criminal malice, it's not evil forethought, it's not in criminal law. It's just, and certainly not in the First Amendment. I think New York Times v. Sullivan puts it as the reckless disregard of the truth. The question then is how much investigation do you have to do in order to be not reckless? And it varies from situation to situation, and it varies from context to publication. Quite often, we not only talk about the legal standards, but because we're talking to professional reporters and not professional lawyers, we have to put it into real-world context. This has been found as malice. We bring up the recent litigation against the New York Times with Sarah Palin. We use a lot of these things. But we all know that appellate cases are the corner solutions. The main is over here, and sometimes when you use appellate cases to teach people, they forget that they're corner solutions, they're not the main. So we talk through, in the main of cases, here is what your responsibilities are, this is what the right thing to do is, and these are the best practices. That's why we have media lawyers who represent a number of organizations who've seen these situations and advise on practical issues. Flipped to that, the recognition that a lot of our laws relating to the First Amendment and libel was developed at a time when news was in print. If you ever watch CNN or Fox or MSNBC, you can see that about half of the programming is guests appearing on shows. Even when we're doing the day part news, we invite guests to come on to comment about the news because it adds a whole level of complexity and richness to engage the government. No longer do you have Walter Cronkite reading the news 24/7. It would be pretty boring. But you have Harris Faulkner not reading the news for like two minutes and then calling somebody else in to have a conversation about the news. What are your duties before you put that guest on the air? What happens when the guest says something unanticipated? Do you have a duty to correct? All these things are live issues that we have to encounter. The courts have said that in a call-in show, you're not responsible for some jackass calling in and saying something bad, so you're not required to do a 5-second delay just on the off chance that somebody says something bad. But on the other hand, what happens when somebody is making incendiary and false allegations that may be repeated on the air? We have mechanisms to deal with that. A lot of news organizations do this. Even on news conferences where maybe a former president was talking, people will put in tape delays just to protect themselves, and not just protect themselves legally, but protect the integrity of the product. Because that ultimately is what we're responsible for. We don't like to think that lawyers make editorial or business decisions. We like to think let the reporters and business people make the best judgment in consultation with legal counsel and not be dictated by the lawyers.
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David Wilkins1:00:08
Great question. So let me just repeat, you don't have to. I think for the, she asked what do I think about apple pie and the American flag? No, she asked a terrific question about how do you reconcile your role as a lawyer protecting the interests of Fox News and the organization that you're with and its right to have its own opinion and reporters, with your own personal experience of being an immigrant, a refugee, an Asian-American, in a time in which it's at least fair to say that there has been a lot of editorialization against immigration, against immigrants, and many people, I think she used the word 'degrading' of people on the air. Whether or not it's First Amendment protected, I think she's asking you how do you reconcile that as a human being?
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Viet Dinh1:01:13
You brought up Anthony Lewis. I'll start with an Anthony Lewis story. I love Gideon's Trumpet because it's a story about a prisoner who handwrites his own petition and gets the Supreme Court of the United States not only to read it but to give it its due and recognize a right of redress for the petitioner. If you've ever been around the court, you know how improbable that is because the court takes in well nigh 15,000 cert petitions a year, it hears maybe 75 or so. That's a very big mountain with one handwritten petition. And Tony wrote it so well, as you put it, bringing the whole humanity not only of Gideon but also of our entire criminal justice system that allows for the least of us to be heard by the highest of the courts. After 9/11, when I was working on, actually after I already finished the USA PATRIOT Act but I still was head of legal policy, Tony called me and asked if I could come in and see him. I said absolutely. So we talked about a whole bunch of things, and then he asked exactly your question in that context. He said, 'Viet, you are an immigrant, you are a refugee, you are a boat person, you've got everything from this country. How can you sit here and do your job to oversee and implement the xenophobia that's going on in policy across the administration?' I looked at him point blank and I said, 'Tony, that's a great question, and it's a question I ask myself every day. And all of us as participants in the legal process, indeed all of us as human beings living life in America, have to ask ourselves, which is how do we pay fealty to the principles that we believe in that got us to this point, and yet still be true to our profession as well as to our voice and integrity?' I told Tony that I take the question in the spirit it was asked, which was there was no personal accusation or animus. All that I can do is I promise you my utmost ability to do what I think is right to serve my country in the hour of her greatest need with my limited abilities. Some of that people may disagree with, some of it people may thank me for, but always we're in this together to help find the right answer. At Fox News, we have 24/7 of a multitude of voices. Does that mean that I agree with every single minute of the air that we air? Of course not. I can't watch all 24/7 of it. But that diversity of voices is what makes the product good. That makes the product, as I say, we have an editorial position that is center-right, but it would be very boring if there is just somebody saying 'this is a center-right position, let's roll with it.' It's all a spirit of debate, of give and take, and that's what makes it encouraging and engaging. I don't have the numbers specifically with me, but more Democrats and independents, those who self-identify as Democrats and independents, watch Fox News than not. So the majority of Democrats and independents say they watch Fox News other than our competitors. Now some of that is just pure math, when you're number one, you're number one. But it says something when in our polarized society, we can have a product that for whatever reason, even people who may not agree with you actually watch and engage with. And that's the responsibility that we have, not only to be available but to be entertaining and engaging. So the best way that I can answer your question is I sleep very well at night knowing that I've done my personal best to enhance the civil discourse in this country rather than degrade it. Could we do better? Absolutely, 100%. And that's part of the hard decisions that we make as business people, but especially as lawyers.
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David Wilkins1:06:18
So Viet, I think that's a perfect note to end on. What a conversation that I hope isn't the end but the beginning. We are at a perilous time in this country. I know you agree with this because you and I had dinner last night and we talked a lot about it. What is most at peril is exactly the idea of being able to have civil discourse around difference, and yet the differences are only going to magnify as all the issues that we talk about become ever more complex. As an educational institution, it is our responsibility to try to provide forums for that kind of respectful disagreement and dialogue among our students and our alumni and those who are watching us online. It's why I'm very grateful that you agreed to come here, that you agreed to answer any questions that students have. I just hope that you will continue to engage with us around these issues because, as you say, these issues are incredibly hard and they go to the very heart of what it means to be a lawyer and a citizen and a human being at this time. I want to thank all the students for the incredible questions that they raised. I hope that we will find ways to continue this kind of dialogue, not just on this issue but on all of the issues that we have to face in this world. So thank you very much. I appreciate it.
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Viet Dinh1:08:02
Thank you.