Ethiopia's economy has been subjected to significant challenges. These include extremely high inflation, a very high external debt burden, severe foreign exchange shortages, high youth unemployment, and a heavy reliance on rain-fed agriculture.
Among these economic challenges, the problem of youth unemployment stands out. Studies indicate that 27% of our nation's youth, who make up over 70% of the population under 30, are unemployed.
Various solutions are proposed to reduce this number of unemployed youth. Among these, the first is microfinance, which was once disbanded but is now severely weakened for youth, and small, uncollateralized or non-secured microloans.
Second are large government factories that can employ a large workforce. This shows that the absence of new government factories leads to weakening and job losses.
Another is infrastructure construction, meaning roads. It is known that there are no new roads, and many of the existing ones have been destroyed.
There are no new railway lines extended. Housing construction is focused only on high-income earners, and the majority of housing construction is for government employees and low-income levels, which is not sustainable.
Irrigation projects that were started before have been largely destroyed due to various technical problems, and we are not building new ones. There are also problems with electricity and telecommunications infrastructure.
These challenges are obstacles to reducing the number of unemployed youth.
What is the government doing to solve this huge youth unemployment problem? Among the economic causes mentioned above, the primary one is the lack of peace in the country. This lack of peace is mainly experienced in conflict-affected areas like Amhara, Oromia, Tigray, and Gambela.
However, even in areas without conflict, individuals who try to protect their democratic rights while respecting our framework and identity, and who raise questions, face significant human rights violations. For example, members from the Southern Nations region are cited.
To end this lack of peace, efforts have been made for the past three years to ensure genuine dialogue between armed forces, release political and conscience prisoners, and stop the killing of innocents. However, even though the government previously engaged in dialogue with Oromia dissidents and recently with leaders of the movement in the Amhara region, residents report that there has been no improvement in the peace situation.
An organization called Afan Fano or Amhara Fano National Movement, which has 15 leaders, has established itself in the Amhara region. The government has also engaged these forces in dialogue. How much does dialogue with the forces they are fighting with contribute to peace?
The government has started dialogue with the newly established organization called Afan. If genuine peace is desired, why is the government hesitant to negotiate with dissidents who are leaving? How can a successful election and national dialogue be achieved if the government, which has a large army and properly organized forces, does not engage in genuine dialogue for the peace of our country and fails to ensure the right to life?
Thank you. The issue of maintaining peace for the national interest, which has been repeatedly raised by many members of parliament, and holding a common stance as a country and people, is a very important question and concern.
I will try to briefly touch on the cause, what has been done, and the reason why we are living in a situation where peace is continuously deteriorating in Ethiopia.
The first reason is a long-standing practice of resolving any ideological differences by force.
When a husband and wife quarrel, they use force. When a father and son quarrel, they use force. When neighbors quarrel, they use force. When politicians quarrel, they use force. This is one of our long-standing illnesses: solving problems through force and not advancing dialogue.
The second is the spirit of betrayal that has accompanied us throughout Ethiopian history for the past hundreds of years.
When we fought at Adwa and in other times, it was the spirit of betrayal. Indeed, betrayal weakens but does not destroy. Many traitors have repeatedly weakened Ethiopia, but they have not been able to destroy it.
The third problem is the unceasing, timeless, and unrelenting anxiety of our enemies. As Ethiopia grows, as Ethiopia prospers, as a country with a brave army and people, they think, 'It's a problem, let's not let it rise, let's keep it there.' This is not of one time; it is an unrelenting anxiety.
And investment. These three issues come together. There is an enemy, there is anxiety, and they want to invest. There is a direct, recurring traitor spirit that does not let go. That recurring traitor, after recurring, and our culture of solving problems by force, and their desire to block Ethiopia's growth and the desire of Ethiopian citizens to live together in unity, have been with us for ages.
The traitor within the country comes from struggling to distinguish the paint and color of the house. The paint of this house must be white in some of our views, yellow in others, and red in others. We can argue.
But on the foundation that determines this house, if we don't have a common stance, if we destroy the foundation and argue, we will end up without a wall.
Standing on the issue of Ethiopia's existence and survival does not show political wisdom. Because political wisdom is not about arguing over what kind of system, what kind of paint, but about how to enhance our existence as a country.
This is forgotten. Those who say the house's paint will change stand together with those who want to destroy the house's foundation.
For example, anywhere, the person who is attacked will fall. Even if I am not attacked much, the gathering will fall. But if Ethiopia is said to fall, where will they settle?
Asking parties and individuals to quarrel and bringing the issue of Ethiopia's existence into question is like shooting yourself in the foot. Our enemies' issue is not who settled where.
They were there in Menelik's time, they were there in Jan's time, they were there in every era, they are there now, and they will be there in the future. Their constant desire is to destroy the foundation, not the paint.
The problem of the traitors is the combination of the struggle to determine the type of house paint with the destruction of the foundation.
This is a good teacher for our history for those who want to learn.
Our fathers have faced challenges and completed amazing struggles, and they have left things for education. For example, Dejazmach Balcha Abba Nebso.
Balcha Abba Nebso was a brave patriot during Menelik's reign and played a major role in the victory at Adwa. When the Italians came, they didn't get along, just as we don't get along now.
They exiled Emperor Menelik, starting from the victory at Sidamo, and made him a prisoner. While in exile and prison, the Italians came again.
The brave patriots who fought at Adwa tried to help again. He said, 'I am from Jan, not from Ethiopia.' He didn't stand with those who wanted to destroy Ethiopia and died fighting the Italians in the second campaign.
Their struggle and story, though they didn't win, must be a lesson for all of us.
Lij Iyasu or Dejazmach, as we find him, was a very strong person during Menelik's time and also a ruler of Wolayta.
During Jan's time, they didn't get along. He was exiled, and not only exiled but also, it is said, he was killed in Arabia.
Yané was a great patriot. When the Italians came during his exile, he said, 'I am from Ja, not from Ethiopia,' and died fighting in the north.
We don't need books; our fathers are patriots who fought openly.
These heroes prioritized their country. As for today, political parties didn't exist then. If my party doesn't suit me, I'll join this one. There was no such thing as a political party.
There is no path. There is no goal. In the next election, I will rule, even if privately. There is no such thing as an election to be postponed for my country.
If there is an election, there is no goal. There is no inclusive national dialogue. I will express my grievances and talk. There is no such thing as a discussion.
There is no goal. There is no media, social media. There are not many alternatives. But their choice is Ethiopia's survival, Ethiopia's existence, and Ethiopia's foundation.
The people who are here now, like a shepherd who is comfortable with sheep's wool, the shepherd always wants to use the sheep in that flock. Until this is understood, damage will occur.
Many issues have been raised here. For example, our issue with Eritrea. Some people say the problem between Ethiopia and Eritrea was created because the Ethiopian government raised the Red Sea issue. They think and say so, but it's not true.
Since Eritrea was created, there has been an issue between the Ethiopian government and Eritrea. We tried to get closer after we came to power for five years.
The conflict that started, as many think, was not because of the Red Sea issue.
When the fighting in Tigray started, the first round of fighting, after we withdrew from Shire, the Eritrean army followed from behind and entered Shire. When some people started looting homes and roofs, the conflict began.
We didn't say anything, but when we passed through Aksum, the conflict intensified as young people were killed en masse in Aksum.
When we passed through Adwa, the conflict escalated as factories were looted and robbed in Adwa.
When we arrived in Mekelle, the conflict peaked as the Dire Dawa factory was being looted and destroyed.
But the Ethiopian government did not have the capacity to fight at that time in this and that. We had a force, but after we took Shire, we were following the finger that was pointing at us, not strengthening the place we had taken.
This issue, honorable parliament, has no value today. The issue I want to raise for history is that when young people were killed in Aksum, when Adwa was looted, when Ghera was looted, many envoys were sent to Eritrea.
The people who were sent are mostly not with us now. For example, the honorable Ato Gedu was the Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time. He was sent to Eritrea twice.
He was sent to tell them, 'Don't harm the people of Tigray, don't loot their wealth.' The TPLF said the Eritrean force is not from the people of Tigray.
Ato Gedu is not with us now. But they have a conscience, they have a mind. If they hide it today, it will come out in history. They know why they went, Shabiya knows, and we know.
They are alive. They can be asked, they can speak for their conscience, for their belief, explaining why they went.
Ato Demek is not with us now. He is alive. He can be asked for his belief, for his other reasons, why he went.
Besides them, there are two or three people in the system now. If you remember, we were in Mekelle for three days. Many people didn't understand the situation.
What troubled us was that after we took Shire, they entered from behind. After we took Aksum, they entered from behind. Now when we entered Mekelle, they caused great damage to the city.
If you say Woyane, we are going down to you. We set up a force waiting on the mountain to enter Mekelle so they wouldn't escape.
This conflict subsided, and when the Pretoria agreement was signed, how could it be signed without the TPLF disappearing, without Tigray falling? That was the final point the conflict reached.
It was with this force. Therefore, some TPLF members are working to destroy Ethiopia.
What harms and benefits the people of Tigray is this government's work or the TPLF's. All TPLF can be taken as a neighboring TPLF.
Today, there is a lot of emotion, a lot of propaganda, a lot of deception. There is no problem, but history will reveal it.
No one can destroy the truth forever; they can only hide it for a time.
We are not talking politics at the end. We have one day left to enter Mekelle. We have won the war, as you know.
But what is entering Mekelle? It is not a victory. If we don't protect our people, they will be looted again, they will be killed again. If that happens, peace will be better.
It is our people who are harmed by the conflict.
Today, some TPLF members, to the extent of their stance, hate their people and do not care about their people's suffering.
I said it before, and I repeat it now: we have the truth.
We want to serve our people with sincerity. If TPLF doesn't shout, if social media doesn't shout, if activists don't shout, the true judge sees, and no one can defeat us.
We waited to see that TPLF would not be looted by the Eritrean army.
When the Amhara region was entered, what the TPLF did is frightening. They destroyed factories, closed schools, and looted banks.
The Ethiopian Defense Force was in Mekelle alone. Without bringing Shabiya, you won't find a single house destroyed in Mekelle.
Not a single house. The TPLF doing such things in the Amhara region is important for history that is about to change.
The political demagoguery and emotionalism that is done for media entertainment is not only harmful to our people, but in the eyes of history, it will be judged. History does not forget.
What kind of political demagoguery is being built? As the foreigners say, when people with political character come into political leadership, they don't come with emotion, but with reason. For example, how we will solve the Welkait issue. If we agree according to the constitution, and if Welkait is not returned after we agree, then they have been convicted. This is demagoguery.
It is a thing done to incite the people with a little emotion. Demagoguery seeks a simple solution. It doesn't focus on a sustainable solution. If change had come by talking in the last 50 years, Ethiopia would have changed. Change doesn't come by talking. This is dangerous demagoguery.
Destroying institutions, erasing trust, following the path of demagogic political personalities is what is destroying Ethiopia. Will they bring a sustainable victory? Not at all. They are not pragmatists. A pragmatist is someone who uses the opportunity of each day for good.
For example, when a brother builds a house, they say it's only for the rich. I built my house for the rich. This is demagoguery. Taking a fact and denying it is not good behavior. Denying facts is not good.
We made people who didn't have a house, toilet, sofa, and TV have a house. This is not for the rich. How much wealth does Ethiopia have? This kind of political process is bringing harm to Ethiopia.
For example, in Shene, they say these are Amharas, these are militiamen, these are Minilikists. Fighting with them is not right, they say, and they went into the bush. When we try to build Unity Park, they say building Unity Park is a crime.
Now today, with the response to the discussion with the international community, if this happens to me, I am accused by the world. It's a fact. Yesterday, what did I do, what did I achieve, who did I stand with, such things are not seen. A person only sees the present day.
This demagoguery is highly distorting Ethiopian politics and bringing harm. Our choice is to focus on issues that bring a sustainable solution. The first solution is to increase our capacity. To increase Ethiopia's capacity, how? Through economic growth, institutional building. Ladies and gentlemen, when this change came, the Ethiopian Air Force had only one yellow helicopter that could fly.
The rest were grounded. Today, the Ethiopian Air Force has over a hundred aircraft under different names. You have heard, over a hundred. Why? If you build an institution, the bandit cannot surpass the wound. The purpose of the gathering is not for the wound, but for the forces that are fighting to heal.
It is to stabilize and sustain Ethiopia. Our work is on that. For example, if our enemies can pay 10 birr to bandits, we must ensure we pay hundreds to Ethiopia. If we don't mobilize wealth from them, they will bring pressure through wealth, media, and diplomacy.
For example, the Eritrean government, unable to solve Ethiopia's internal issue, will raise the Red Sea issue and be accused. While the representative of the internal issue is sitting at the table, how does the internal and external issue happen? The solution is patience.
Now, to strengthen this parliament, we want to strengthen it. There are forces that want to harm Ethiopia, they finance it, I believe, but they cannot defeat Ethiopia. We have passed them. They will spend their money, they will work, we will continue our journey.
Internally, we must open the door for dialogue. Today, if a person called a bandit, a person who stood against Ethiopia, has a change of heart, we must be open. There is no need to hold a grudge. It is not a private matter.
Since it is a national matter, some may have joined, some may have erred. My heart has softened, my mind has changed. If so, we must be open. We didn't say forgive. Starting from prison, how many have we released? Why? It's Ethiopia's issue, our issue. It's not our issue's shame. If it benefits Ethiopia, we are ready to forgive.
In Afar, Benishangul, Oromia, Amhara, many people are returning. Returning is now the fashion. Just as leaving was the fashion, returning is now the fashion.
As long as anyone is ready for peace, ready to discuss and forgive for Ethiopia, it means putting aside personal feelings. The current situation on the national interest has improved significantly.
For example, those in the bush, individuals who were fighting with prosperity, after seeing the direction of their fight change and become bandits, said, 'Our issue is not like this,' and returned. They provide information about what kind of weapons and radios are there. For now, they are seen as enemies.
But when it comes to Ethiopia's issue and interest, if they feel it, their minds change, their hearts soften, and they provide information for defense. There are people. There is change.
What is surprising is that the force that stands saying it doesn't want to enter Ethiopia, not only in Amhara and Oromia areas, but in Tigray, is for Tigray's interest. The number is not small, it is large.
This indicates that understanding and consensus on the national interest is improving. Regarding displacement, Ethiopians have the constitutional right to live peacefully in the area of their choice. It is not a matter for anyone to give or deny. It is a right.
Displaced people need to return to where they were before. Who is holding them now? For example, when the war started, farmers from Tigray who fled to the Amhara region, honorable parliament members who came from that area, when you go and ask, this is true information.
The people fled to Tigray. Farmers with livestock, they sell their coffee and put the money in their account. The people are not there. They put the money from their farm in their account. Since our people are not there, they are putting it in their account, so they say, 'Let's return, we will be welcomed now.'
They are living. You see it in Raya, people have returned and are living. In Selemt, you see people have returned and are living. Many in the Oromia area have returned and are living. What troubles us now is the Welkait area.
The issue that couldn't be solved is just like a farmer plowing and expecting a harvest after rain. Plowing and expecting a better yield after months. People who have sown displacement, suffering, and hardship are waiting for help from other forces.
Sowing suffering, sowing misery, sowing problems, saying 'You displaced won't go back,' is holding the displaced. The politics that held the displaced, not because they didn't want to return, but because the area they were displaced to didn't want them to return, exists in Ethiopia.
Just like on the road, you see them begging for their children. They pinch their children and beg. They say, 'Give birr, take your daughter, take her.' If they take and go, they will take you next, you will be finished. Their job is just to take from the giver. Where that money goes, that's it.
Some parties keep the displaced for their own survival. We have tried many times to fix this, we have done a lot of work. Residents of the Welkait area, those displaced from Tigray, from Welkite, from Asosa, living in Welkait peacefully is 100% their right.
This is an issue the federal government believes in. However, regarding Welkait, you all know it's not a secret. The question I have is that it has been in the Amhara and Tigray regions for a long time. Both regions have presented evidence.
When there is acceptance, there isn't, this place suits me, they say. With the federal government, a person who is displaced should return. A person who decides for himself, a person who takes a decision, sits and takes it in a referendum, legally. Why? Who can take it now? On this, the people's survival, who among you can take it?
If the person himself enters his house and lives in peace, 'I need to be settled here or there,' which official can come and say, 'You belong here'? This is the reason why the Welkait people, like any Ethiopian, couldn't get the budget they deserve, couldn't get education support, couldn't get health support.
The federal government, the issue that made it not support what it should support, this issue should be solved peacefully. I have a firm belief that two brothers should not solve it in a way that harms the people.
I will not take the Welkait issue, I hope you won't either. The people of that area will take it. For those parties, I think they need to create a conducive environment.
However, a person displaced from Tigray doesn't live in Amhara, Oromia, or Addis Ababa. Or, soldiers who participated in the Tigray war are not from the Tigray people. The soldiers who participated, if you go to the bush now, they are on duty, they work on projects.
Soldiers are filled in Addis Ababa, Adama, Hawassa, it's their country. In other areas too, doing something that brings short-term gain but harms the people sustainably is not appropriate.
On our part, if the residents of the Welkait area, the displaced, come even today, we will welcome them. The Ethiopian government will support their living to the extent its capacity allows. Like in Selemt, Raya, Addis Ababa, Libabor, we will do it.
The other issue, however, should be solved by the people's decision. This is not only a democratic process, it is constitutional. Taking it out of the constitutional framework is not possible for any of us.
In this regard, it is good. Pretoria is a definitive medicine. As I said, we agreed that a negotiated peace is better. Pretoria, primarily, gave the federal government the mandate of electricity, telecom, air, budget, and bank service. 100% of Tigray will be restored. 100%, even more than that.
With that army, the displaced will return. Some have returned, some will remain. Now, to the force there, my message is: let the people enter their homes, enter their fields, do their work. We will argue politically about the remaining issue, but we will not harm the people.
Is there absolute peace in Tigray? As you remember, I have held discussions with the people. I have discussed with hundreds from different districts, elders, political people, many people. The Tigray people want peace and development.
The Tigray people want to come out of the current turmoil and confusion. Like other areas, they want to develop by expanding and improving. The Tigray people want to live in peace with other Ethiopian brothers.
So, what is the problem? If you look, this is a politics that suppresses, a people that is suppressed, a platform, but not a partner. In politics today, it's a platform, but not a partner. They play on the platform, but they don't play.
The Tigray people need to move from being a platform to being a political partner, by renewing themselves. If we always stay with one mindset, we expand many things. It's an old saying, now it's visible.
Mekelle, in the past three years, if it had been shaped like Addis Ababa, Bahir Dar, Dire Dawa, Jijiga, what do you think? Everyone has equal income, equal support. But if there is no idea, if time is not given, development won't happen.
And the Tigray people need to be supported to be a political partner, not a platform. In Tigray, there are more than one political parties. Five, six, ten parties. The problem is that most Tigray political parties haven't been able to improve their level.
Ethiopian, Tigray political forces haven't been able to play the role of a leading actor, but a supporting actor. A person working in a theater is not always a supporting actor. After five years, they become a leading actor for a day.
If they don't develop into a leading actor, and gather as supporting actors saying an election is not needed, and do this, the political development of that area won't reach the desired level.
When the people move from being a platform to a partner, and political parties move from being supporting actors to leading actors, I think many issues will change because it is a people who know prosperity, a people who know dialogue.
The force in that area is very simple. The answer is simple. A farmer, in Hamle, when it rains, not just rain but thunder, the rain and thunder that leave the field, the farmer doesn't say 'the bird screamed' in Meskerem and leave the field.
When it rains, thunders, and the bird screams, he sees it as music, but he doesn't leave the field because of the bird's scream. The history of this government is this. The current voice is like a bird's voice. The rain and thunder have passed. Any minor whispers like a bird's voice, we don't have the fatigue to listen to, so gathering is good.
