Hello and welcome to the American Compass podcast. My name is Orin Cass, I am the chief economist here at American Compass. And what better week than the week of the China tariff showdown, negotiation, revision, reduction to talk about Apple in China—Apple in China. It's a new book out by Patrick McGee, who is the Financial Times' San Francisco reporter, and he joined us for just a fascinating conversation about, you know, Apple the corporation's experience in China as really a microcosm for a lot of what has happened with globalization over the past few decades, and in particular as he distinguishes very helpfully the difference between globalization and Chinaification, as Apple sort of illustrates in what went from a global supply chain to an incredibly China-centered one, really in response to a lot of Chinese industrial policy, and really with the effect of transferring little by little all of the expertise over to a Chinese industry that now leads not just in telecom but in things like batteries and electric vehicles. So a really interesting story from both the business and economic side, the policy side, and the technology side, and just a fascinating conversation. So stick around for that.
I've got to tell you about what's going on at Commonplace. We've been looking at the trade issue and the tax issue this week. On the trade side, Michael Pettis made his debut for us, looking at the downside of capital flows. Michael McNair also on capital flows, and thinking about how regulating of them can reshape our economy. And then on the tax side, Henry Olsen with, I thought, a really good piece on the Grover Norquist narrative of tax increases and particularly the old George H.W. Bush 'read my lips' tax increase. Was that actually a political liability or not? Trump himself has obviously weighed in on this, and Henry, I think, is the ultimate observer of how these trends have affected conservative politics over time. Patrick Brown on why we need to invest in family-friendly infrastructure as well. And of course, if you are not already subscribed to Understanding America, we are talking about all these things there as well. I had a piece up on Monday—no, I guess this was our special Tuesday edition of Understanding America, looking just at the question of certainty and uncertainty and what businesses have any right to expect when they try to do business in China. So, subscribe for that at understandingamerica.co. And last but not least, this month you also have to hear me talk about The New Conservatives, the book out from American Compass coming June 3rd. It is an anthology for our fifth anniversary of really a lot of our best stuff from our first five years. So, hope you will consider picking that up. But in the meantime, enjoy this conversation with Patrick McGee. Patrick McGee, welcome to the podcast.
Thanks, Orin. Thrilled to be here.
We are thrilled to have you. If ever there were a week to be talking about trade with China, this would appear to be it. And if there's ever a company to talk about trading in China, I suppose it would be Apple. I guess there's the sort of generic 'why did you write a book about Apple in China' question. So, let me put a slight spin on it, which would be: how much of the story of Apple at this point do you think really is a story about China?
Oh, that's a great question. Well, I mean, I think its fate is completely bound with China's, and obviously we'll get into this—we've got lots of time. But I mean, the degree to which all roads lead through China, and then most roads are in China for the supply chain, is actually understated. Like even when people are saying 90% of production is in China, I think that's actually understating things. And the idea that they can do some quick move to India, which has convinced lots of lay people, but experts know that this is nonsense. I mean, China just means everything, because if I was talking about this in 2010, well, maybe I wouldn't have the same view. I mean, the statistics would be similar in how much was in China, but you'd say, 'Okay, but what really makes this company thrive is the DNA of Steve Jobs and the designs of Jony Ive.' And this is a time, if it's 2010, that we're reinventing the phone every year, and so like industrial design, product design, that's really driving the company. But this is a company that's been led by an operations chief since 2011, Tim Cook. What's operations? Well, that's everything that's in China. Ive has left the company. The iPhone, your listeners may have noticed, does not get reinvented every year to the same degree. It gets a better battery life, the cameras improve, but it's not like it's a triangle next year. You know, we sort of have reached saturation of what the iPhone can do, and then it's just improvements on the margins. So, you know, through that lens, the importance of operations, and therefore the importance of China, is more and more paramount.
Yeah, it's a fascinating point about Apple that for a period there it was every year or two, you know, the developer conference, there was some mind-blowing new device, way of interacting with technology. I guess that hasn't been the case in a long time. There's a set of attempted projects and not very successful projects. But is it really the iPad the last time you sort of had a new device or vertical?
Maybe. Depends if you count the Apple Watch and the AirPods, and you might not because they're iPhone-adjacent, right? They're not really products on their own to the same degree that an iPad or an iPhone is. On the other hand, they sell them in such large numbers that I think I'm correct in saying Apple makes more money from AirPods than it ever did from the iPod. Interesting, right? And considering what a cultural phenomenon the iPod was, that's a little bit mind-blowing. So, I wouldn't discount how popular and lucrative both the Apple Watch and the AirPods are. The Vision Pro, on the other hand, is a bit of a disaster. I gave the Vision Pro an immensely positive review when I did my first demonstration of it. Maybe just for the audience, the Vision Pro is their attempt at a headset. It cost $3,500. What it is capable of is phenomenal. What it actually does, if you buy the thing—as frankly I did—is pretty weak. I mean, they just haven't developed any content for it. I mean, not to go off on some tangent, but technologically they could set you courtside at the Warriors playoff games, you know, my home team, and you could watch through the Vision Pro and it would genuinely feel like you quantum leapt into the body of someone that's there. That's phenomenal. But for the life of me, I don't know why they haven't actually done that. Like, you can't do that yet, but you might be able to in a few years. So, maybe there's some hope there. But the Vision Pro obviously is not a success so far.
And even more conspicuous would be the Apple car, which, you know, we've never even seen a prototype for, and they've abandoned—but they spent 10 years trying to build that up, right? And this is—I mean, I think this is a sort of fascinating microcosm of what has happened in US industry and technology generally in the era of globalization. And I really like the distinction you make in the book that, particularly in electronics, it's not globalization, it's Chinaification. And so I suspect we will end up back here where we started, at the question of, you know, what does this do to a company, what does this do to an industry. But let's go back to the start of the road that led there, because one interesting thing about the book is, in a sense, it takes a long time to get to China, right? I mean, Apple has gone through these different eras—you know, I don't think we need to go all the way back necessarily to the Mac SE and so forth, but, you know, if we start, let's say, around the mid-'90s. What was the journey? I mean, Apple at one point was making its own products. Give people a sense of how the company evolved from its prior version to the one that was so entangled with China.
I mean, Apple will turn 50 next April, and the first 25 years is really the era in which they do manufacture their own computers, right? So, I mean, the basic gist of Apple is it's founded by two guys named Steve in a garage in 1976. Globalization of electronics, especially of computers, really doesn't exist at that stage. The way I put it is that if you've got a garage-sized computer from IBM, that is not going to make any economical sense to make it somewhere in Asia and then ship them over en masse. Obviously that's not going to make any sense. So Moore's law really drives what's possible with the evolution of the supply chain and the development of the supply chain. So, you know, I really give a lot of credit to the IBM PC in 1981, because I have this anecdote where Steve Jobs dissects a PC, right? Apple's sort of the—maybe not the ruling company, but they're the most innovative company in the early '80s building computers. And this is before they've come out with the Macintosh and the graphical user interface, but they're still a very creative company. Steve Jobs is a young millionaire, etc., very confident, and IBM is the world's biggest tech company and basically has been for decades. And they decide to get into the PC business. So Steve Jobs opens up the PC, tries to look at what it's configured, how it's configured, and realizes there's nothing there. There's certainly nothing that we can't do.
And he's right, except that he misses the picture that IBM has just launched a war on a battle that Apple wasn't prepared for. Apple thought IBM might come out with something that they couldn't match, that it was just so technologically layers above Apple that they would struggle to compete. And instead they banded a computer together based on existing parts. And the reason I'm driving home this point is because those existing parts can be made anywhere. So the IBM PC ends up being this huge catalyst for outsourcing and for electronics component manufacturing—not all over the world, because you don't really have them coming out of South Africa or something, but for East Asia in particular. The Japanese, the Koreans, the Taiwanese—they all get involved in building components and especially circuit boards, and once they start doing that they sort of take it the next step further and they begin assembling computers, designing computers, and then competing with their Western counterparts. So IBM really is the catalyst for globalization. And then I compare it to the 2007 iPhone, which is really the catalyst for chinification, because Apple is not working with components that you could find in other phones. It's basically doing proprietary processes. And once you're at the volume of doing this in a hundred million a year, 200 million a year, and you're running just-in-time manufacturing at really high quality levels, it is going to make zero sense to have a supply chain based on different time zones and different islands and bodies of water between them and hoping everything arrives at the exact time. So they need to consolidate into one country. And China just has the combination of cost—and they don't really have skill, we'll come back to that—but the combination of cost, abundant, even desperate, quite frankly, labor, and a government that'll just tailor-make policies and allow, you know, without environmental regulation, buildings to just be put up in such a time frame that were you doing the same project in Texas, you know, you wouldn't have the environmental bylaws passed by the time the building was actually up and running in China.
Yeah, the why-China question—it has so many answers that you've just sort of run through to some extent. But backing up a second, even when you're talking about IBM and all of its various components, the initial question is sort of why Asia? Because of course Silicon Valley is called Silicon Valley because it used to be where the silicon—not silicon got made, but the silicon got made into stuff. And I think there's sort of one mental model of globalization that says, well, you know, the high-tech stuff is the stuff that the US should still do. Now, a circuit board isn't necessarily high-tech, per se, but what was it that made the US not the place where you would make any of these?
So, I mean, to be fair, the US originally was where this stuff was being built, but it's because IBM and then of course the PC clones, who all just replicate what IBM has done, that's what gives rise to the idea that this stuff can be built anywhere. Because when Compaq, Gateway, HP, Dell are all doing what IBM is doing, what's fascinating about that and why it plays such a role for globalization is they're all doing the same thing, right? If in 1989 you had a Dell, I had an HP, and our neighbor had a Gateway, it wouldn't matter. We would all be running Windows, we're all running on Intel chips, and none of the companies were putting an iota of thought into the design. I mean, they would literally all be beige. They would look about the same, and the components would be made by the same companies or at least similar companies. In fact, they might have even been made in the same factory in the same way and just badged differently. So it's the Taiwanese, for instance, that really take advantage of their lower cost to basically compete on the same components that were originally being built in America. And because computers begin to be so popular, you can do this at big scale. Components aren't like mainframe computers, right? You can ship them across the ocean in 30 days. And so someone like Terry Gou, who founds Foxconn, literally travels 30 different states in America in the early 1980s basically saying, 'Give me a chance.' And so not only is he operating on razor-thin margins, but he's using a labor base that of course is, you know, probably one-fifth, if not one-tenth, if not one-twentieth the labor cost that America has. So Asia just begins to win more and more orders, even if the brand name is associated with an American company and indeed the profit associated with an American company. I mean, there's a reason why it's fantastic to outsource and offshore your operations, because if you're Dell, if you're HP, the idea of paying fixed costs at a time when you don't need the computers being built is a bad idea. If someone says, 'I will offer you manufacturing as a service and you will only pay for what you need when you need it,' and by a company doing that and having all sorts of clients, they can shuffle their own workers around in a way that's far more economical than one single company ever could.
And I guess you're still left with the question—and sorry, this is one that just fascinates me—of, you know, okay, but in theory you could have done that same model in the US somewhere. You could imagine a giant Texas Foxconn, and the reasons you're sort of describing: well, okay, but a Texas Foxconn is never going to compete with a Taiwanese or a Shenzhen Foxconn. You know, in part it's things like the environmental regulations and so forth, but then that labor cost point—in a sense it comes down to not just that the labor is cheaper, but in a sense that it's more exploitable, in that if you actually had to pay the workers, you know, proportionate to how productive they were, it wouldn't help you to move to the lower-cost country if it was also lower productivity. The secret sauce is that you're getting productivity that looks much closer to American productivity at a fraction of the cost. And you know, I think you highlight this specifically in the China context where, you know, this is active government policy to deliver this. Was that a strategy in Asia generally, do you think, or was that really something that came along more with China in particular?
So, let me back up a little bit, just because I think you're sort of nailing the question on the head with 'what about if Foxconn was in Texas?' And the sort of progenitor to Foxconn is actually a company called Spacecraft Incorporated, known as SCI. They're founded after the Soviets launch Sputnik, and they begin making satellites, and they have a role in the, what's it called, the Saturn V rocket that goes to the moon. And as the sort of military-industrial complex builds, they begin taking orders to do the whole production. So in other words, SCI begins as a supplier of components and satellites and things like that, but eventually they turn to becoming what I think of as the first electronics contract manufacturer, where they're not playing any role in the design, but they will take someone's blueprint and they will build it for you. IBM essentially catches wind of this. In particular, they have this advanced way of doing circuit boards. I mean, at a time when literally Steve Jobs's pregnant sister was putting circuit boards together by hand, SCI comes around with a pioneering automated method to do it, and IBM takes advantage of this, and IBM begins to outsource not just the circuit board but the whole computer to SCI. So this is the closest thing you're going to find to Foxconn in Texas, which is, well, SCI is the world's largest contract manufacturer at the turn of the millennium. I think they have 30,000 people at the time in like 16 countries or something. And so it's actually like the PC boom is really run by a bunch of companies that few people have ever heard of: Solectron, Celestica, Jabil. And these are the winners. The companies you haven't heard of are all the companies that led to the mergers of these companies. And they are like an M&A banker's dream in the '90s because there's just all kinds of mergers and acquisitions because all they're fighting for is how do we do this more efficiently and at lower cost?
And there's something I want to say around 1992, it's called the Compaq shock, and it's when Compaq dramatically reduces the price of their computers. And of course if you're an American consumer you love this. I mean, it's something like 20 or 30% less than what everyone else is doing. And the reason they had accomplished it is they had gone into Asia at a time when the others hadn't really done it. And so that's basically what happened. So you have the supply chain competition among these assembly giants, and they've got disparate operations, and when they're competing with each other, it's they that move over to Asia. And worth knowing, Apple isn't doing this. Apple's not really working with contract manufacturers in the '80s and '90s. I'll give an asterisk that's explained in the book—that's a whole chapter. But for the most part, they are not. And that's what leads them to near bankruptcy in 1996. They're being outcompeted, right? And Apple's reputation was it was more bespoke but also a lot more expensive for, at the end of the day, roughly the same.
Yeah. And that—I guess just to go full circle on the narrative—what happens is Apple loses its lead in the graphical user interface as soon as Windows 95 comes out, because at that point nothing you're really wanting to do on a Mac can't be replicated on a Windows PC, and the price differential that you're paying for a Mac ceases to make any sense. And so fast forward then to the Apple move. So Apple is still kind of doing its own thing and it's not very successful financially until you get to—I don't know if it's the iPod or not until the iPhone. Now you have this sort of entirely new device, new set of components all designed in house, and they have to figure out how to actually make this thing.
Yeah. So when Apple finally—I mean, you know what the standard thing for a product is that we say about Apple, right? I'm saying a cliche here: Apple didn't invent the MP3 player, it didn't invent the smartphone, but when it did it, it was just better than everybody else. Right? That in a nutshell is what happens for the supply chain. In other words, Apple doesn't lead the idea of going to Asia. It certainly doesn't lead the idea of going to China. It is late to both of these trends, but when it does it, it does it better than anybody else. So the likes of Dell, when they go to China in the early 2000s, it's because they see margin and they see cost savings that they can pass on to their consumers. So they just see, you know, high volumes and a workforce that can put things together cheaply. Apple looks at China differently, and they realize instead of making sort of a beige box computer, we can design something that's insane and that we wouldn't actually be able to build ourselves, but if you have armies of workers being paid 50 cents an hour just performing the most minute tasks, they will be able to put together whatever it is the Jony Ive studio comes up with. And so that's sort of how the translucent iMac and then the iMac G4, which is sort of this thing that looks like a sunflower—that's how China sort of comes into being, because I tell this seven-year narrative where Apple's experimenting on three continents with contract manufacturers here, there, everywhere, and it's really failing. But the company that's sort of playing a role on the side is Foxconn, and they're building in the Czech Republic, California, and in China. And the more that you're comparing what each of those facilities is capable of, the more the Chinese narrative is just making better business sense. And I should say, like, moral sense is the wrong way to put it, but an amoral sense in a way. Like in the Czech Republic, the problem is that the media covers the working conditions; the workers protest about the idea of building dormitories where they're going to be housed, right? So, like, China just wins out for a bunch of reasons that you could call unethical or what have you. But you begin to have a mass of consolidation into China.
And so, I think that fits in pretty well with the standard narrative. I don't think people are aware of just how much experimentation there was. I mean, you noticed, wow, your book takes a long time to get into China, right? I mean, there's this whole section called The Long March to China, and in a sense, I'm trying to handhold the reader that, yep, we're going to get there, it's going to take a while. Then the other thing, and this is probably the most novel part of the narrative, is I'm explaining the role of the manufacturing design engineer. These are the people living in California who take what Jony Ive has done, and it's their role to go to suppliers across Asia, you know, locate them, find them, and then train the hell out of them, because they're not capable of what Jony Ive has conceived of. They can't make it. They don't have the skill sets. But the engineers in California either do, or they will, you know, die trying kind of thing. But they do so by finding these suppliers, seeing what is possible, and then they train, audit, supervise, co-create all these processes. So it's not just they're coming up with new parts; they're coming out with like the machine that builds the machine, right? The production line, and then it gets thrown over the fence to the operations team, who then replicates every inch of that line and scales and scales and scales. So my point is there's this huge missing narrative that my book fills the hole for, of how Apple doesn't just find competence in China, it builds that competence in China. So I'm not just saying they're stuck—I'm saying they're stuck in China, but they're stuck on capabilities that they created there. I don't think anybody has really dug deep into that topic before. It's pretty novel.
No, I'm glad you highlighted that because the manufacturing design engineer is, in a sense, in my mind sort of the missing link, in an anthropological sense. Yes, for what happens to innovation generally. I mean, and you also kind of described this a few minutes ago when you were saying—I'm not going to get it exactly right—but you know, first they made the circuit boards, then they start doing the actual processes, then they start doing the design, pretty soon they're making everything there. Yes. And you know that process, it's something we obsess about at American Compass in trying to emphasize that the reason you care about manufacturing at all is because at the end of the day, the innovation follows the manufacturing designation, right? Designed in California, made in China is kind of a nice concept, but at some point those manufacturing—you know, the design engineers transfer that expertise. Pretty soon virtually the entire process is best done in China, at which point if you're Apple you still have an awful lot of IP to make money off of, but a lot more of the value add ends up on the other side of the Pacific.
Can I—I would put one pushback, which is that I don't know that the value add is there. In other words, you actually don't tend to have Chinese companies that are making enormous profit from this. But this is—the reason why I'm highlighting this is because this is another facet that people miss, because they say, well...
The profit's being made by Nvidia and Apple. So what's the problem? This is the golden age where we're doing all the software and the design, and the Chinese companies basically do it on the cheap. The reason they do it on the cheap is because their goal is not to distribute to shareholders. Their goal is to become so advanced in these things that every other country becomes de-industrialized and they're the only shop in town to do it. The best example, if we just leave the smartphone aside, is solar panels, right? Invented in 1954 by America. We had 80-90% market share by the 1980s. Today we have 3% market share. And the Chinese companies aren't the big Fortune 500 titans that you could name, but they sure have taken over that market. And maybe they're not making margin, but they're making volume. And we could get to a stage where we have no idea how to build this anymore. We're certainly not doing the innovation to make them better and better, and the Chinese can do all of it. So that's just a multi-decade example where we've completely lost capacity to do something that we invented and we've just sort of gifted it to the Chinese. And that's actually the story I'm trying to tell. I'm just doing it through the sex appeal of Apple designs, but you could sort of copy and paste this narrative to varying degrees to all sorts of sectors.
Yeah, no, that's right. I think electric vehicles is another obvious one where we've seen it happen over the last 10 or 15 years.
Yes. Smartphone on wheels. Increasingly that, and increasingly it's in fact these smartphone makers making it. And it's not a coincidence. One of the things I really try to point out is that Apple deliberately pays its suppliers very little. And you'd think, well, why do the suppliers put up with it? They put up with it because Apple is training the hell out of them. So basically, instead of thinking they're getting low margin, they're thinking, oh, we're actually getting a free Ivy League tuition in how to build stuff. So there have been real champions made in China, Chinese companies basically made under the tutelage of Apple engineers. You could even say under the tutelage of America's best engineers because B students aren't going to Apple. Apple can hire the best. They can take them away from SpaceX and Tesla and Dell and Motorola, and they can get them out of Stanford and Caltech. I can't tell you how many people on their first day at Apple show up and say, where, what do I do? They say, here's your flight to China, good luck out there. They're just taking the skills and then they're transferring them to China. And I should say it's not just a story of American ingenuity going over to China, because Apple has these subject matter experts whose specific role is to scour the world, go to Japan, go to Switzerland, how are Rolexes made? How are little tiny knobs on watches made, and can we use that technology for the iPhone? So they are taking the best stuff coming out of the countries with the most automation, signing little private deals with these companies, and then scaling it in China. Now, obviously in retrospect, there is a massive technology transfer here because the suppliers learn how to do this. Well, what do they do with it? The most obvious thing to do is that you go to the companies in China that are most like Apple, Huawei, OPPO, Vivo, Xiaomi, and you supply them the same stuff. Now, maybe you do it at a year's lag, but you'll notice that Chinese phones are really good at multi-touch. They're all rectangles with glass on them. There's a reason why BlackBerry isn't able to keep up, but Xiaomi is. So my sort of killer line for the book is that the iPhone didn't kill Nokia. Chinese competitors to the iPhone killed Nokia. And the reason the competitors were so good was that Apple trained all of their suppliers. So I call this the Apple squeeze. We're not going to pay you much, but we're going to train the hell out of you. Territory gets it in 1999. A bunch of Chinese manufacturers get it in 2016. And what you've seen is the increasing real estate within the iPhone shift from multinationals making in China to Chinese companies making in China. And I think there's been an extraordinary epic transfer of knowledge from America and from around the world to the Chinese.