An unflinching ally and friend. Dear Clear, we both know the backdrop of our discussion: the nature of transatlantic relations. We're now almost four years into the reckless aggression against Ukraine by Russia. We face the very distinct threat of outside forces trying to weaken our union from within, the return of overtly hostile competition and power relations. The European way of life, our democracies, the democratic foundations and the trust of our citizens is being challenged in new ways on everything from territories to tariffs to tech regulations. Fundamentally, all of this points to a simple reality. In today's fractured world, Europe must become more independent. There is no other choice. Independent in every dimension that affects our security and prosperity: defense and energy, economy and trade, raw materials and digital tech. Some may say the word independence runs counter to our transatlantic bond. The opposite is true, and we've just heard it from State Secretary Rubio. An independent Europe is a strong Europe, and a strong Europe makes for a stronger transatlantic alliance. Today is the time for action and I want to focus on Europe's plan for independence. And to help frame this, I will borrow a line by Jerry Friedheim, the US Assistant Secretary of Defense, spoken here in Munich in the 70s. I quote, 'Unless a nation feels itself primarily responsible for its own security and well-being, it will leave the task to others and fail to marshal its resources and political will in its own defense.' I chose this line from the 70s because it reflects some uncomfortable truth over many decades about how Europe's security was not always seen as our primary responsibility. But this has fundamentally changed, also because the very same argument is true today. Europe needs to step up and has to take on its responsibility. Admittedly, it has taken some shock therapy and some lines have been crossed that cannot be uncrossed anymore. But what is needed, at least we all agree on, and we are delivering. The numbers tell their own story. Defense spending in 2025 in Europe was up close to 80% since before the war in Ukraine. The European Union is mobilizing up to 800 billion euros. With our SAFE program, we are investing in the capabilities we need. From air and missile defense to drones and military mobility, you just name it. We have remained relentless and creative in the way we maintain our support for Ukraine. And this includes most recently our 90 billion euro loan that Ukraine has only to pay back if Russia pays reparations. By 2028, defense investment in Europe is even projected to exceed the amount the US spent on such equipment last year. This is a true European awakening, and this is only the start of what we need to do. We must grow a European backbone of strategic enablers in space, intelligence, and deep strike capabilities. No taboo can go unchallenged. I believe the time has come to bring Europe's mutual defense clause to life. Mutual defense is not an optional task for the European Union. It is an obligation within our own treaty. Article 42.7. And for good reason, it is our collective commitment to stand by each other in case of aggression, or in simple terms, one for all and all for one. And this is Europe's meaning. But the commitment only carries weight if it is built on trust and capabilities. And this is why we must be collectively ready. We must make decisions faster. And this may mean relying on the result of qualified majority rather than unanimity. And we do not need to change the treaty for that. We need to use the one we have and we have to be creative. Take the UK-led Joint Expeditionary Force, which is outside but complementary to NATO. It brings together 10 European countries to deter and reassure in the high north of the Baltic region, with an operational command in Northwood, UK. Or take the coalition of the willing led by France and President Macron, headquartered in Paris. This coalition is devising meaningful security guarantees for Ukraine. More than 30 countries, some not even in Europe, are involved. And these examples tell us that this can work. But what we need now to do is to formalize the ad hoc beginnings of new security collaborations. This starts by working, of course, with our closest partners like the UK or Norway or Iceland or Canada. The European Union now has a full range of defense and security partnerships with countries around the world, and we want to increase our offer to many of these vital partners. This means in this actually volatile time, Europe and in particular the UK should come closer on security, on economy, on defending our democracies. 10 years from Brexit, our futures are as bound as ever, dear Clear. So, it is in our common interest to be ambitious about our partnership, because the UK and the European Union, in fact, all of Europe, we are in this together and we will always stick together. This is the common promise. And this brings me to my second priority: the need for a new European security strategy. I believe we must urgently recalibrate the way we use our entire policy toolbox: trade, finance, standards, data, critical infrastructure, tech platforms, and information. In essence, each and every one of our policies needs a clear security dimension in this new world order. We in Europe should be ready and willing to use our strength assertively and proactively to protect our security interests. We need a new doctrine for this with a simple goal: to ensure that Europe can defend its own territory, economy, democracy and way of life at all times, because this is ultimately the true meaning of independence, ladies and gentlemen. So, how do we bring all of this to life? For the answer, I look to Ukraine. Ukraine has shown that strength and deterrence, and ultimately lives, depend on industrial capacity: producing, scaling and sustaining the effort over time. And they say in Ukraine, 'You change or die.' We must adopt this mantra too. We need to tear down the rigid wall between the civilian and defense sector. Europe is a powerhouse for car manufacturing, aerospace and heavy machinery. We should not look at these industries as purely commercial but as core to the defense value chain. We have inspiring European defense tech champions. We just need to incentivize them. This is especially true for the dual-use tech fields: AI, cyber, drones, space. Their journey to market must be rapid. This is another battlefield lesson from Ukraine. And that's why the EU's new defense innovation office in Kyiv is merging European scale with Ukrainian speed and ingenuity. And with this approach, we can close our capability gaps quickly. Drones, for example, are the most obvious of these examples. They are inflicting around 80% of battlefield damages on both sides in Ukraine. So we are massively investing and speeding up innovation and production in this area. Or look at command and control. We know that we have too many different weapon systems: tanks, jets, ships. But new technologies like AI and software can help forge interoperability between member states, NATO and the European Union. And this is what Europe is good at. We have all agreed to spend more. We need now to get the money out the door and turn this into real defense capabilities. Some ask whether we can afford this, but I say we cannot afford not to. And if we get it right, and we will, we will turbocharge a new industrial deal that will not only keep us safe, but be an engine of growth delivering prosperity for Europeans for decades to come. So yes, there is a lot at stake for Europe, but there is so much potential to seize, too. Ladies and gentlemen, I have spoken a lot about equipment, investment, doctrine, but I would like to leave you with a last thought from Helmut Schmidt. It is from an address he gave standing outside the Reichstag, speaking to new recruits in 2010. He knew better than most that peace could never be taken for granted. And investing in security is never just about hardware. It goes far beyond. As he put it, 'Peace and freedom, these two are interlinked. And it has to be the goal of security policy to protect them.' End of quote. Peace and freedom. This is what Ukraine is fighting for today. We must honor their sacrifice with our quest for an independent Europe. And it will always remain Europe's response and purpose. Our union's reset. Thank you very much and long live Europe.
