Dear Kaya, dear Secretary General Bellen, ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen, it's such a pleasure to once again see so many of you in this room here. And I would like to start by thanking and paying tribute to all of those who could not be here in person. And I'm thinking in particular of those posted across the Middle East, working around the clock to get European citizens back home, to liaise with our allies and partners in the region, and to keep our own staff and their families safe. So I think from this room we can tell them you represent the very best of our diplomatic corps and the very best of Europe.
And I start with the Middle East, not only because of the gravity and the speed of the conflict there, but also because of what it tells us about the world and how Europe and its foreign policy fits into that. You will hear different views about whether the conflict in Iran is a war of choice or war of necessity. But I believe this debate partly misses the point because Europe must focus on the reality of the situation to see the world as it actually is today. And I want to be clear, there should be no tears shed for the Iranian regime. This regime has inflicted death and imposed repression on its own people. They slaughtered 17,000 young people. And this regime has caused devastation and destabilization across the region through its proxies armed with missiles and drones. And many Iranians inside the country and across Europe and the world have celebrated Ayatollah's demise, as have many more people across the region. They hope that this moment can open a path towards a free Iran. And I think the people of Iran deserve freedom, dignity, and the right to decide their own future, even if we know this will be fraught with danger and instability during and after the war.
And beyond this, we can now see a regional conflict with unintended consequences. And the spillover is already a reality today, whether on energy or finance, trade or transport, or the displacement of people. British military bases have been targeted in Cyprus, who I want to reaffirm our full solidarity with from this place. NATO troops have been called upon to shoot down a drone. Our citizens are caught in the crossfire. Our partners are being attacked. And I've been in touch with many of them across the region to express our solidarity and support. And the longer term impact is already posing existential questions on the future of our international rules-based system, on how Europe finds unity in this situation. All of this shows how precarious the global situation is today, how diverse threats are, and how Europe will always be affected by what happens around the world. So the idea that we can simply retrench and withdraw from this chaotic world is simply a fallacy. I believe it is vital that we understand that this will shape our foreign policy for years ahead.
Dear ambassadors, over the course of this year's conference, you will hear many descriptions of the state of the world, whether it is about middle powers or multipolar disorder. You will discuss the importance of the rules-based international system and of course the urgent need for its reform. You will exchange ideas about national security and economic security. All of this will feed into our work in particular ahead of the new European security strategy that we are working on with the HRVP and our diplomatic service. But at the same time, these attempts to label today's world mask two tangible and structural realities which are far from important for Europe. The first is that Europe can no longer be a custodian of the old world order for a world that has gone and will not return. We will always defend and uphold the rules-based system that we help to build with our allies. But we can no longer rely on it as the only way to defend our interests or assume its rules will shelter us from the complex threat that we face. So we need to build our own European path and find new ways of cooperating with partners. The second is that we need a clear-eyed, hard look at our foreign policy in today's world, both in how it is designed and how it is deployed. We urgently need to reflect on whether our doctrine, our institutions, and our decision-making, all designed in a post-war world of stability and multilateralism, have kept pace with the speed of change around us. Whether the system that we build, with all of its well-intentioned attempts of consensus and compromise, is more a help or a hindrance to our credibility as a geopolitical actor. I know this is a stark message and a difficult conversation to have, but I also know that many of you have felt this tension in your everyday work. The point is that if we believe, as I do, that we need a more realistic, a more interest-driven foreign policy, then we have to be able to deliver on it. And that is at the heart of my message today.
Dear ambassadors, Europe has already moved a long way in this direction. In the last few years, we have become more adept at using our strength in the pursuit of our interests, our market, our trading reach, our economic security levers. We have stood up forcefully when our member states were challenged, for instance with Denmark in the case of Greenland. We are investing in our democratic resilience at home to counter foreign information manipulation, and above all we have started a generational project, and that is European independence. The goal is to make ourselves more resilient, more sovereign, and more powerful. From defense to energy just these days, from critical raw materials to strategic technologies, your work to deepen, de-risk, and diversify our partnerships around the world is invaluable to this. This is what independence looks like in today's world. It means not relying on a singular supplier for vital assets from energy to defense, from semiconductors to vaccines, from clean tech to raw materials, just to name a few. And for this we need more connections with reliable, trusted partners, from the trade deals to the security partnership that you have helped broker. This is already making a real difference. But we need to go further. We need to be prepared to project our power more assertively. For instance, to counter aggression and foreign interference with all of our tools, whether economic or diplomatic, whether technological or military, or by being much more pragmatic when it comes to doing business around the world. As I have traveled around the world, I've spoken with many of you who have made exactly the same point. Europe needs to get onto its front foot and start seizing the opportunities that are out there. Almost two-thirds of global growth is happening outside the United States and China. Countries across all continents are looking for their place in the world. They don't want to be part of any sphere of influence. They just want to be prosperous and sovereign. And this is why they are diversifying their trade relationships, because they are too hedging against dependencies. From Central Asia to the heart of Africa, from Latin America to Southeast Asia, vast parts of the world are looking for stability and trusted partners. And this is our hallmark, our European offer. So as we look ahead, we must continue to seize these opportunities, putting our interest front and center of our work. And there are three areas where I think this is particularly important.
My first point is security and defense. Europe has peace at its core. It is at the heart of our treaty and at the center of our history. It remains an enduring mission for each and every one of us. In order to seek peace in today's world, Europe must be able to project power, to deter, to counter, and to increase our influence. In simple terms, we need to invest in means to protect our territory, our economy, our democracy, basically our way of life. And this will be at the heart of our new European security strategy. In all our assets and policies, we must mainstream security considerations. In fact, security must become the organizing principle of our action. It must be the default mindset from defense to data, from industry to infrastructure, from technologies to trade. And of course, we do not start from scratch. We have done more on defense in the last year than in decades before. As you know, we have started a surge, a massive surge in defense spending up to 800 billion euros until 2030, and member states are stepping up their investment at record levels. The message is clear. Peace and security in Europe depends upon us, and we are taking full responsibility for it. But standing on our own feet does not mean standing alone. We also want to work with trusted partners around the world, and this is the core idea behind the security and defense partnerships with countries from across the world. We have opened our program for joint procurement to Canada. We are looking into integrating our defense value chains with India. Our work is progressing well with Australia. Our union has engaged in this kind of security cooperation, but never at this scale. Now some may say we are stepping out of our comfort zone, or others argue that we should focus only on what is happening on our own borders. But the threats we face come from all directions and all domains, whether cyber or space. So this truly 360-degree approach to our security must continue to drive our work. The point is that the world around us is changing at incredible speed, and now Europe is changing too.
Dear ambassadors, when I talk about security, we must talk about Ukraine, a proud European nation that continues to fight for our freedoms, both as a future member of our union and as Europe's first line of defense. And my message here is very clear. Europe will always stand with Ukraine, no matter what is happening elsewhere. We all want this horror and bloodshed to end. And no one wants more peace than the people of Ukraine. But the war must end in a way that does not sow the seeds for future conflicts. And this is what we continue to work on every day with Ukraine and with our partners to deliver real long-term security for Ukraine, so that we can secure a full, just, and lasting peace. And what Ukraine needs now is first and foremost sustained financial support. As you know, this is why we proposed a 90 billion euro loan to finance Ukraine's needs. And you have all seen the challenges we have faced in getting this over the line, even after all 27 leaders have agreed to it. This goes back to the point that I made earlier about whether our system is still able to deliver efficiently. But I can assure you that we will in this case deliver on our commitments, because our credibility, and more importantly our security, is at stake. So for us it is paramount and crystal clear. We will deliver this 90 billion euro loan, and the same logic applies to enlargement. There's been much debate on how we deliver in a timely manner on its merits-based process. But it is of paramount importance that we get ready by bringing the Western Balkans, Moldova, Ukraine closer to our union already. Now, enlargement is not about ideology. It is a matter of European common interest and security, and we must be ready to deliver as soon as the time comes.
Dear ambassadors, the second priority is trade and investment with the world, because trade is not just economics, it is power. You all know the list of new trade deals we struck because you have contributed to writing it. We started with Mexico, Switzerland, Indonesia, then Mercosur after 25 years of failed attempts, and then the mother of all deals, India. Australia is next, and we haven't finished. The world wants to trade with Europe. Whether it is the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, or five countries in Eastern and Southern Africa, our trade network has never expanded so fast. And again, this is not ideology. It is about delivering for European families, European businesses, and European industries, because open markets and reliable value chains make our economy stronger, and a stronger economy at home makes us stronger in the world. For instance, we are diversifying our value chains for chips and clean tech with countries like India. We are diversifying our supply of critical raw materials from Latin America, Australia, and more. Our network of agreements currently includes almost 50% of global GDP, and more than half of Europe's trade is within our own network of deals. This means our companies can have predictable, rules-based trade with more than half of the world. And we want to expand this community even more. For instance, by cooperating with the 12 members of CPTPP, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The point here is that there is a compelling business case for trading and investing around the world. Take Global Gateway. In the roughly four years since it was launched, we have already shot past our initial goal to mobilize 300 billion euros. And I'm convinced that we will pass the 400 billion euro mark next year, because there is demand across the world for European investment. And the reason is simple. When we invest in clean energy value chains in North Africa, or in skills for processing minerals along the Lobito corridor, or in digital connections along the India-Middle East-Europe corridor, we empower local farmers, industries across Africa and the Caribbean. When we invest in all these projects, it is crystal clear that both sides stand to win. Europe gains from stronger supply chains. Our partners gain sustainable investment in local infrastructure, in skills, and jobs. And these are legacy jobs in new local industries. And this creates new markets for local companies and also for ours. It is a model that works. And this is why in the next European budget we have proposed to increase the Global Europe funding by 75%. The message is very clear. Global Gateway is all about mutual benefits, and it is a means to develop partnerships and projects that advance our values. Think for instance about strategic projects such as the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor. At first sight, its goal is to cut the overland journey between Central Asia and Europe from 30 to 15 days. But there's more to it. The corridor will also connect former enemy countries in the South Caucasus between them and to Europe. And just like coal and steel brought Europe together after World War II, this new corridor can make trade and cooperation the norm in a troubled region and be a route not just to Europe, but to peace. And my point is simple. In this region, as well as in Africa or the Middle East, our investments mean we have leverage and agency. Or look at the success of the Pact for the Mediterranean, which is revitalizing our partnership across the region. The point is we must turn our financial strength into the power to make a real difference. That is what a pragmatic, interest-driven foreign policy can deliver for Europe and for all of our partners across the world.
Dear ambassadors, the third point I would like to make is about our diplomacy, and how it can help deliver for Europeans. Our support to the United Nations and its charter is an essential part of who we are. Together with member states, we make the single largest financial contribution to the UN system year after year. And you know why. In a more conflictual world like ours, we need a rules-based global governance. Of course, the UN system also needs reform. And when traditional formats reach a standstill, we need to look for creative ways of addressing the most serious crises of our times. Europe has always been ready to engage in innovative formats for diplomacy, be they quartets, contact groups, coalitions of the willing, or regional initiatives. And this is why we will continue to look at all ways to work together to deliver on our most pressing responsibilities and priorities, most notably the reconstruction of Gaza and peace for Palestinians and Israelis. Every new initiative should aim to complement the United Nations, not compete, nor replace it. We have made this very clear from the outset, and this only makes our engagement more important. But Europe cannot shape the world from the sidelines. We must engage to make our voice heard, protect our interests, and most importantly to always bring our values to the table. As our foreign policy will change, this imperative never will.
Dear ambassadors, I want to finish by acknowledging that there are many priorities, many regions, many countries that I've not mentioned today. This is not because our work there is any less important, but rather because I wanted to make a broader point about where we stand and about the very real choice that we face. There will always be a level of constraint on Europe's foreign policy because of geography or geopolitics. We have to accept that, and we have to be honest that we cannot solve every global issue or perfectly reconcile our values and our interests on each occasion. But what we can control is what guides our foreign policy and how we choose to conduct it. As I said here last year, I believe that we need to be much more assertive in pursuing our interests. This is what will help us seize the opportunities that you see in front of you every single day. But I believe that we also need to look very critically at whether our structures and tools are still fit for that purpose or for today's world. The situation in the Middle East is not a trigger for this. It is in fact a symptom of the wider issue, as was Greenland, as is Ukraine, and will be many more places in the year ahead. The point is that in times of radical changes like ours, we can either cling to what used to make us strong and defend habits and certainties that history has already moved beyond. Or we can choose a different destiny for Europe. We can build a foreign policy that makes us stronger at home, more influential globally, and a better partner to countries around the world. A foreign policy that is a core pillar of European independence, that protects our interest and advances our values not with nostalgia or by mourning the old world, but by shaping the new one. And therefore I want to thank you again for your incredible work. And I want to conclude as always by saying long live Europe.
