Mr. President of the French Republic, ladies and ministers, friends, Athens welcomes today a timeless European ally and partner, but also a true friend of our homeland, and allow me to say, a personal friend of mine. At a moment I would characterize as pivotal, as it seals a historic choice made by our two countries in 2021: the decision for Greece and France to stand together, transforming a long-standing common journey into a strong strategic alliance.
This is essentially the evolution of a multi-level relationship, a substantial relationship with roots in the historical ties of our two nations, in the same principles and values, but also in the mutual interests of our peoples. Elements forged through our participation in both the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union, and today, the results, especially in the defense sector, are more than visible.
I am particularly pleased, dear Emmanuel, that we had the opportunity this morning to visit the frigate Kimon, which has just returned after a 40-day stay off the coast of Cyprus. Two more Belharra frigates of the same type will be delivered in the coming months, the Nearchos and the Formion, while the fourth, the Themistocles, will be delivered in 2028.
Furthermore, the capabilities of our Air Force have been substantially upgraded with the delivery and operational use of 24 Rafale fighter jets, which we saw flying over Piraeus today. But of course, also through a multifaceted alliance, to mention the agreement we signed today for the upgrade of the MICA missiles.
All of this strengthens our deterrent power and fortifies both our national and European borders. And it is not by chance that in the recent crisis in the region, France rushed to reinforce the defense of Crete. I have very strong memories, dear Emmanuel, from our joint presence in Cyprus with President Christodoulides, because we proved in this way that European solidarity is expressed through actions and not just words.
Moreover, I want to emphasize that this Greek-French alignment preceded all the recent significant geopolitical realignments. I would say, therefore, that it proved to be prudent and timely in the field of security and stability, and was in a way a precursor to the broader need for strategic autonomy for our continent as a whole.
Something the two of us have been talking about for quite some time at the European Council, with common programs and co-productions, with operational interoperability. The frigates acquired by the Greek Navy and those acquired by the French Navy are practically identical, and one navy learns from the other in the process of their respective upgrades.
And of course, the culmination of these agreements is the mutual assistance commitments. And I want to thank Emmanuel again, because he has so clearly and repeatedly stated that if Greece ever needs France's support, France will be present. And for this reason, today we are taking another important next step.
The declaration for the enhanced total strategic partnership between Greece and France, which we had the opportunity to sign a little while ago, reflects the breadth of our cooperation. And I want to take this opportunity to thank all the ministries, but primarily the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which worked on the agreements we signed today.
The detailed roadmap of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs gives a clear direction for our diplomatic alignment. At the same time, we are investing in the future with joint actions in education, while strengthening our cooperation in the intergovernmental organization Mercator International, a critical body for maritime knowledge and observation in strategic areas such as nuclear energy and technology for peaceful purposes.
Moreover, I recently had the opportunity to be in Paris for a very interesting conference organized by President Macron on this issue. And of course, a little while ago, the finance ministers inaugurated the technical support center of Euronext Athens, as the Athens Stock Exchange is now called, to make European integration a reality in the field of financial transactions.
And of course, in a little while, we will have the opportunity to speak at the very important Greek-French business forum, which is taking place at this very moment. And all of this declares our desire, Greece and France, France and Greece, to walk together on the path of 21st-century Europe, ensuring conditions of prosperity and security for the present, but also opening a horizon of hope for future generations.
And indeed, this very vision occupied us yesterday in the discussion we had at the Roman Agora, a center of public life in antiquity that continues today to cultivate fruitful dialogue and critical thinking, especially truth in the face of the era of fake news, dialogue in the time of slogans, and named responsibility in the era of anonymous digital propaganda.
Dear Emmanuel, when the fundamental principles of the post-war order are tested, the response of democracies must be united, fearless, and decisive. Therefore, first and foremost, Europe itself, on whose soil war has unfortunately returned for four years, is called upon to strengthen its autonomy at all levels, because only in this way can it navigate with confidence the turbulent waters of an uncertain world.
And I want to thank the French President, because with truly great persistence, he places the issue of Europe's strategic autonomy in all its dimensions at the forefront of discussions at the European Council. I believe that our common defense will also strengthen our common alliance, NATO, and with member states of Europe now necessarily taking greater responsibility for the protection of our common interests and borders.
Noting that developments in the North, in the East, but also in the South here in the Southeastern Mediterranean directly affect the security of all of Europe, and for this reason, a far-sighted, genuine European policy is required. However, we know well that we cannot have strategic autonomy without a competitive Europe, and without competition, there is no growth and prosperity.
For this reason, the agenda for enhancing competitiveness in areas such as reducing bureaucratic burden and cheap energy will be at the center of our discussions in the coming months, culminating, obviously, in the negotiation for the new multi-annual financial framework, which we hope will be completed by the end of 2026.
We also had the opportunity to discuss developments in the Middle East. Greece is, like France, a reliable interlocutor, a force for stability. We both played our role discreetly in the ceasefire and dialogue between Israel and Lebanon, a very important development that must be strengthened.
We both have the same interest in the protection of all religious communities, especially the Christians of the region, who are not just a minority but an integral part of its historical identity. We have the same interest in safeguarding the freedom of navigation based on international law and the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
And as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, we placed this issue as a matter of the highest importance, an issue that Europe as a whole must embrace. And in the same direction, we are moving in view of the Greek Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2027.
We are ready to contribute to the shaping of all those policies that give impetus to a strong, democratic Europe, with a real role in geopolitical developments, which knows and can defend its values and its member states, a Europe of its citizens.
A child, ultimately, of both Greek and French culture, a child of the ancient Athenian Democracy, but also a child of the European Enlightenment. Dear Emmanuel, I conclude by reminding you that while designing the future, we also honor the past.
The agreement signed, the X21, proved that it belongs to the second category. One only needs to see the progress we have achieved in these five years to prove the truth of that. Indeed, I believe that our two countries were extremely far-sighted when we signed this agreement in 2021. It was an ambitious agreement for both France and Greece. I remember then, with the current Minister of Defense, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, discussing the scope of the agreement. The initial negotiations with France concerned the purchase of two Belharra frigates. We ended up acquiring four plus 24 Rafales, and we did it with full awareness that these are resources from the Greek people's wealth, which, however, must be invested in an investment that will strengthen our national defense. And we chose to do it with a European country with which we have deep strategic relations and a mutual trust that allows us to move forward together.
President Macron said something which I think is very important. The ships we acquired and which we visited today are essentially twin ships with France's ships. So any upgrade, any experience we have at this moment, for example, we have an excellent anti-drone system which is proven in practice. This can be transferred with great ease to France and vice versa. It is essentially the SAFE before the SAFE. The logic of SAFE was exactly this. We did it five years ago and proved that it can be done. So the path is open to further strengthen our defense cooperation at many different levels, speaking of truly advanced technologies of the future.
Now, regarding Article 42, paragraph 7. I am pleased because this discussion is now taking place at a European level and does not concern only the two of us. No one was talking about this article. No one. Even though it exists in treaties and is more strongly worded legally, at least, than Article 5 of NATO. And yet, there is now a broad recognition that it is our European responsibility, regardless of our participation in NATO. Most of our countries participate in NATO. Some, however, do not. That there is an additional European solidarity. It was tested in Cyprus, it was tested in practice, without Article 42 being formally activated. But we were there, and not only Greece and France, but also Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands, and we must build on this. And the direction we have given to the European Commission is to take this example and make it more operational. If something happens again, how will the forces that will be found coordinate, what will be the procedures they will follow? This is a great success for Europe and at the same time, I think, a proof that yes, we are taking our defense seriously as Europe. These are not empty words. They are words supported by actions.
President Macron said something: Article 42.7 for European solidarity. The commitment of France and Greece is not unilateral commitments for one country to assist the other, but rather in the case where this will be needed.
Thank you very much. On Article 42, paragraph 7, we just discussed it. I believe, for us, it is clear and there is no interpretation or ambiguity on this article. Now, as soon as its vocation is put into practice, we must operationalize it. What we have done recently and what we will do for all those who would need to invoke it is also the strength of our European solidarity. I don't think there is a need today to change the treaties or modify them. They are very clear. There is simply a need, first, to continue to strengthen the defense and security of all our countries. This is the logic in which we are engaged, and so it is equipping ourselves, continuing to innovate. And this is what we have been defending for 9 years. A more sovereign Europe, which we call for, is an Europe that innovates, that produces on its soil. And so we all need, we Europeans, the Franco-Greek relationship is the living illustration of buying more European, producing more European, innovating more in Europe. But for that, we must also remain very competitive in Europe, not buying things that are less good than competitors and much more expensive, and that is our challenge. That is how we will put in place a national strategy. The clarity has been given. It was recalled yesterday by the President of the Commission during our debates. 42, paragraph 7, the same reading as both of us. The same, and then it's its implementation as rarely as possible because that would mean there are aggressions, attacks, but in any case, leaving no ambiguity.
NATO brings things and we have never considered that our alliances, our partnerships, or the European Union were an alternative to NATO, something to replace NATO. NATO is a larger alliance that brings interoperability, which obviously includes our American ally. And so our responsibility is to never do anything to weaken NATO. I believe I can say that this is exactly what we are doing. But it is also to look with lucidity at the fact that what is asked, sometimes gently, sometimes less gently, by the Americans to Europeans, is basically to do what? To take care of their security. That is the message that is given. When we are told you must take your share of the burden, you must invest more, which was the message already nearly 10 years ago. When we are told today, shaking us a bit by threatening this or that, the lesson we must draw from it is: let's no longer be dependent. And so we must, yes, invest more, but we Europeans must strengthen this European pillar of NATO, we must strengthen this Europe of defense, not against anyone, not as an alternative to anything, but by trying to consolidate our historic alliances because they make us stronger and they are also the fruit of a friendship, of an esteem, but with the lucidity to see that it can be weakened.
