Great, friends. Okay, we're on. Thank you to everyone joining. The mission today is to give 10 short points. Note, these points won't be tactical about how to defend or where this event is going tactically, but rather to try to go up a level and look at it from above in a very, very objective way. So I'll get started. And really, thank you to everyone joining. A few rules: we'll try to answer questions as we go. Johnny and Inbar are with us, and they'll note the leading recurring questions, and then at the end, we'll try to answer some of the questions. Again, 10 points, about two minutes per point. Let's get started. So I'll start by saying the metaphor I want to use for the situation we're in is a metaphor some of you may not know. I grew up in the political system. At its peak, I was a political and technological advisor to President Shimon Peres between the ages of 26 and 30, roughly from 2008 to 2012. From there, I went out to establish two tech companies. One of them dealt with biology, and in the field of biology and medicine, there's something called a 'gain-of-function' experiment. I think Israel has gone through this experiment. What does it mean? If you want to know if an organism can evolve and develop new traits, you put it in very difficult conditions of distress. And in these conditions of distress, when you deprive it of water and sugar and various food elements and raise the temperature, some of its evolutionary branches die, and one branch develops a new trait and grows and becomes very, very, very strong. And I think this is what happened to Israel on October 8th, and in order to be worthy of the sacrifices and the heavy price we paid, it's right to look very, very, very cleanly at the here and now at the beginning of this operation, which is in Iran. So let's take these 10 points to be objective, to draw lessons, to understand where we live. One, people love to talk about 'the day after.' Well, 'the day after' was literally set on the day before. Reminding everyone, on Thursday, about 24 to 36 hours before the attack on Iran, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was in the Knesset. And the Prime Minister of India said, 'I stand with Israel,' on the Knesset stage very publicly and in English, meaning not in Hindi. This was the first characterization of 'the day after.' Israel is essentially saying on the day before the attack that our 'day after' is not in Saudi Arabia, which we now see is struggling to defend itself even after two massive oil facilities were attacked. They're still holding discussions and haven't responded yet. Reminding everyone, the Saudis have the 15th largest air force in the world outside the US, and so far, none of those planes have taken off after being hit very, very, very aggressively. 'The day after' is India. 'The day after' is this alliance from India through the Emirates to Ethiopia. And this 'the day after' was shaped on the day before. So to claim there is no 'the day after' at this point in time, I think, is an unfair claim. Point two: note that we are essentially dealing with a new event where we are initiating a military operation that is not graduated. You all know the term 'war of attrition.' This war is not one of attrition; it starts with the first blow, with the Americans, on the most dramatic and significant target we can create in the Middle East, and that is the attack on Iran. We'll continue to the third point. You can say many things about Netanyahu, but since October 8th, it's very clear he is working correctly with this client called Donald Trump. I'll tell a short story about this. There's a relevant video. The great, orderly Swiss government tried to negotiate with the Trump administration on tariffs. They got a 38% tariff. They sent a delegation of professionals to talk to Trump. He threw them out. A few weeks later, they sent business people from the world of luxury. Look at the desk in the Oval Office; there's a big Rolex watch on it with 'DJT' written on it. After these people came to talk and negotiate with the American president, they got an 11% tariff. What does this tell us? To manage Trump, you have to do it very, very, very cleverly, and we must say this. The diplomatic navigation so far with Trump's team is exemplary. The ability to build a parallel team to Kushner and his people, that we have Michael Eisenberg, that we have Roman Gofman, the cabinet secretary, that we have a system around this, allows Israel to work with the American president very, very closely. Let's say a word about this: anyone who claims they are doing this for us and that this and that... pay attention to our previous videos on the US National Security Strategy published by the White House and the Pentagon's strategy, and you'll see the last speech by Pete Hegseth, the Secretary of War. We are strongly aligned with the United States' strategy, and therefore this narrative that they are fighting for Israel is baseless. The fourth point is technological superiority. Guys, we all love the beepers, and it gave us some thought that that's where Israel's operational technological superiority lies. It's simply not true. Both the opening strike and these waves we are carrying out in Iran show us tremendous technological superiority in the cyber and space dimensions, in the kinetic system of the Air Force, and in the capabilities we are deploying. This is a very, very, very, very dramatic event. How dramatic? Everyone knows it's dramatic. The whole neighborhood sees it. Hakan Fidan, the Turkish Foreign Minister, two days ago in a very important speech on TRT, the Turkish network, said, after they built up and described how superior and technologically advanced they are, what we see, and they see, friends, with their satellites, all the planes taking off from here and all the quality of the United States and the State of Israel. Whoever doesn't have capabilities in the cyber and space domains shouldn't even engage in a verbal argument with Israel. This isn't me saying it; this is the Turkish Foreign Minister, who is a very, very hostile figure to Israel, saying it. The technological superiority we are demonstrating is not just orders of magnitude more dramatic than the beepers. It is also seen, feared, and understood. The fourth point concerns Hakan Fidan and Turkish embarrassment. For those of you who followed our video from two days ago and our article in Yedioth Ahronoth, the Turks had deployed five strategic assets against Israel as part of their regional superiority: the peace with the Kurds, Jolani's entry into Syria, their amazing arms industry, their relationship with the Americans, and energy in Somalia. These five components collapsed within 72 hours since we began operations in Iran. It's very clear who has superior technology, and it's very clear that Erdogan's attempt to position Turkey as a mediator with the Americans and the Iranians, while they were negotiating, we had already coordinated and locked in the attack with the Americans. There is great humiliation in Turkey. Very good. It's right for Israel not to back down from this story, but to move forward against the Turks and reach a new equilibrium in our relationship. They understand very well that their strategy this year didn't work. They are a very serious rival. It's not that they are a less serious rival today, but they will have to recalculate, and we need to continue to make it difficult for them to do so. Point six, friends, we are seeing a major failure of the Iranian air defense system. Their firing on the region today again, on Cyprus, yesterday the statement by Pezeshkian, the president, apologizing for firing on regional countries, and then firing again on regional countries shows us that this system is not functioning and has been knocked out of equilibrium. Here too, there are elements that Israel can leverage in 'the day after.' I'll say one important thing, and of course, it's not a fact, it's my analysis: the fact that the Saudis didn't strike back after everything that was done to them, that the Qataris didn't strike back after everything that was done to them, just shows us that these are countries you can't rely on in the long run. It's good if there's normalization with them. I hope Israel reaches a modus vivendi in the Middle East. But we must not lose our lock on the eastern axis with India as the central axis and our relationship with MBZ in the Emirates. We must not lose it. It's important to invest in it, to support the Emirates. Look at how they operate differently. This is a relationship that will be strategic for Israel in 'the day after.' Point seven, friends, unbelievable. When I was in public service, I met Putin several times. It's unbelievable that no one in Moscow is saying anything. Not only did Moscow invest in Central Asia, in the Iranian space, it was a key ally. We dismantled its air defense systems, which it loves to sell to the whole world, in the 12-day war. It did nothing. It was always the one protecting the Iranians in the Security Council. The Russians are also saying nothing. And note that the Chinese are also being hit hard; Iran is a very important oil supplier for China. Note that at the end of the month, there is a meeting between President Xi Jinping and President Trump in Beijing. Part of what we are seeing, I'm told by American sources, is that the Americans are very busy showing the Chinese: 'Friends, maybe you have an amazing army, amazing platforms.' Again, anyone who followed us in recent months saw our analysis on the purges and the dismissal that Xi Jinping did in the army and the Chinese security system. They are in no easy trouble. Americans are telling them: 'Friends, maybe you have amazing platforms, you developed an amazing army, but an army that doesn't maneuver and doesn't fight is an army that needs to take into account that it will meet the American army, which is the strongest army with the highest friction in the world.' Pay attention to this. So there's no Russia, no China. It's not that there isn't, but they are essentially standing off from the situation. The eighth move. Friends, we need to say something very, very significant here. The technological edge leading this fight, like the edge leading in Lebanon, is built on 20 to 30 years of very, very, very significant Israeli scientific, technological, and military foundations. The issue with this is that it's functioning. We now need to reinvent ourselves technologically because winning this cycle for the Jewish people and Jewish sovereignty doesn't give us the ability to lose a war. As Golda Meir said, we lose one war and we're finished. To not lose the next war, we need to invest in what we call the 'Israeli Silicon Dome.' I'll say a word about this. 'Silicon Dome' is a term we borrowed from Taiwan. Taiwan succeeded by controlling silicon, the chips. 96% of the chips essential for AI are produced on its soil. It won geopolitical advantages through its control of technology. Israel needs to ask itself what technology we will hold that will make us indispensable, a country the world cannot do without. That there will be a dependency on Israeli technology like there is a dependency on Taiwanese technology. If you will, just as they have a Silicon Dome, we have an Iron Dome. What is the next technological system we need to build? We have identified six areas. We will release content on this in the coming weeks. We call it 'MARC-S,' like 'Karmax' but exactly the opposite: Materials, AI, Robotics, Quantum, Synthetic Biology, and Space. These are the six vectors Israel must reach a state where, between now and the next war, we invest everything we have to bring the smartest people in the world to Israel, whether they are Jewish or not, to invest heavily in this, to make the dramatic revolution required in the Israeli education system. Otherwise, we won't reach the next cycle, and I hope there won't be one, but we must prepare for it with the qualities and the ability to explode as we are exploding today. This is the peak of a process of, I would say, 20 to 25 years. The ninth point, and I talk about it a lot in 'Alinu' and elsewhere. I don't know how you react to this. I see the messages here. Friends, the Israeli air defense system, the Home Front Command, and this system that alerts us about sirens and tells us when to leave the shelters, and that there is a standard at all, with all the inspectors in the last 15 to 20 years, that we all took for granted when we got a Form 4 or when we entered an apartment we own and we know we have a standard status, is an event without parallel. We are seeing its peak. Here too, we are functioning. Our civilian resilience is not behind the world. We are helping the Emirates with this now. This is something that must not be taken for granted. It is a very unique event on a global scale. Note the digital infrastructure, the air defense architecture, the Arrow, David's Sling, Iron Dome. An amazing thing, we must say thank you. I just came back from a fall of a 'Resist' here in Tel Aviv, around Yarkon Street. How fast the municipality was there, the Home Front Command was there. It's really, really, really an amazing thing, friends. Don't take it for granted. Nowhere else in the world has this. The last and tenth point: the strange death of Europe. As Douglas Murray said, we can really see it. At 'Shulchan Arba,' we talked about Keir Starmer four weeks ago. Yesterday he got hit by President Trump. It was very predictable. He failed on the domestic front, and he also failed on the foreign front. We see the same thing with Macron. He failed on the domestic front. He's trying to be relevant in Lebanon on the foreign front. He failed on the foreign front. This death of Europe, and to some extent the death of the UN, but that's more related to the fact that America is fighting here and you can't argue with it because it's a permanent member of the Security Council, is an event Israel needs to map and manage very cleverly. We at 'Alinu' talk about the 'Diamond Architecture' for the next 20 years, for Israel's centennial, where on the eastern axis sits India, on the northern axis sits Azerbaijan. Note, friends, a critical, critical, critical country for Israel on the eastern axis to hold Turkey, the Hellenic alliance, Greece, and Cyprus, and on the southern axis, Ethiopia and the move you all saw with Somaliland. This is the regional architecture that takes Israel to the next stage, with the United Arab Emirates at its core. I'll say it again: it is absolutely forbidden for our relationship with them to be damaged as part of what is happening now. These are the 10 points. I'll finish and say a word before we take questions on these points. I'll go through them from beginning to end. One, 'the day after' was set on the day before. Remember this. The visit of Modi here, which ended back-to-back with our attack, is a sign of Israel's 'the day after.' The second point is the superiority of the military operation, it's not graduated. The third point is exemplary diplomatic navigation. It's possible to work with Trump, to work aligned with the US National Security Strategy. An event not to be underestimated. Four, technological superiority. We all understood from the beepers; what is happening now in Iran is many times greater. Just listen to the Turkish Foreign Minister say not to even have a verbal argument with Israel. What it demonstrated here in the cyber, space, and air dimensions, the ability to attack in this way, don't even argue with it. We saw the Turkish embarrassment, we talked about it. The failure of the Iranian air defense system, we see they are out of equilibrium. We are not allowing them to learn from this. Largely thanks to the pressure the Americans are also applying, destroying their tools across the region. The disappearance or neutralization, let's say, of Russia and China from the situation. At the edge, the Israeli Silicon Dome. The amazing appreciation for the Home Front Command, for all the people related to civilian defense, and at the edge, the death of Europe and the UN. These are the 10 points I think are worth paying attention to. We will record this and upload it so you can delve into it later if you want. At the edge, friends, this is the birth of the moment, the third birth of Israel. We had the founding fathers and mothers in '48, we had the sons and daughters who re-founded us in '86 when the state completely collapsed economically and built a new ethos, a new geopolitical posture for Israel, a new trust formula for Israel, and finally a new ethos for Israel. We are the founding grandchildren. This is the thesis of the 'Alinu' movement. This is our mission. We cannot be clients of this state. This is not the time. The time is to roll up our sleeves and see ourselves as founders of the state. It happened in '48, it happened again in '86. 2026 is the opening of the year of Israel's re-founding around these four parameters. This is the time. We cannot back down. Even if this war ends in a crushing victory, we cannot back down like after the Six-Day War and then get hit by what comes to those who back down and are complacent. People are asking here how to join 'Alinu'? Simply, www.alinu.org/join. Very simple, and also follow us on Instagram, we upload content there. I'm stopping here for a moment, I'm asking the team. Okay, so we have this here. Questions are still coming in. I'll start asking. One: how do we calm all the moderate countries that will surely want the operation to end as soon as possible without harming the war's achievements? A very good question. I think Israel, we are on the eighth day of fighting. First of all, what are moderate countries? I think the concept of a moderate Sunni axis is not a correct concept. We are trying to impose a wishful thinking that such an axis exists. We saw Saudi Arabia in the last three months turning its back. What does turning its back mean? Stabbing Mohammed bin Zayed in the back in the Emirates, and this is the partner with whom we were supposed to reshape the Middle East. I wouldn't talk about moderate countries; I would talk about one important country in the region and put 100% on it, and that is the United Arab Emirates. There is, and I say this from knowledge, a lot of work in quiet channels to support, to do everything possible. The understanding between us and the Americans regarding the Emirates is very, very, very high. And really, if I'm worried about one thing in the regional architecture, it's to ensure that after these events, the Emiratis know that Israel is their partner. I think what happened since the Saudi betrayal of the Emirates until last Saturday should show the Emiratis how much we are with them and that we will never do to them what the Saudis did. We must persist in this. Point two: assuming we accumulate political capital, how do we increase the influence of the 'Alinu' movement to establish a new policy? This is a bit more related to 'Alinu.' I'll answer this briefly. We'll do a live on 'Alinu' and touch on it more deeply. Friends, Israel is heading for a move where if we don't know how to bring the energies we brought to this fight in Iran and in general, this 'Giyus Ofnaksion' since October 8th, there are five internal systems within the State of Israel that need the same kind of radical approach. The education system needs radical change. There will probably be a strike involved; we shouldn't be afraid of it. Today, as a father of four, I tried to use Zoom for the kids. The teachers are wonderful, the principals are wonderful. The Ministry of Education is a finished event; it needs to be dismantled and through it, work with the teachers' unions to create a new learning model in Israel. At 'Alinu,' we are building what we call the 'Strike Portfolio.' We believe that Ruben, my co-founder, and our team, Nimrod and the team members, built what is called the 'Strike Portfolio' for the next Minister of Education. How you, or you, enter the role and know how to manage this system for the benefit of the parents and students in Israel. Similarly in transportation, similarly in infrastructure, and similarly in personal security. Friends, it's not about this or that minister, Ben Gvir or Miri Regev and others. There are deep, difficult infrastructure problems that need to be approached with a radical approach, and this is the mission of 'Alinu' in this context. Okay, we've reached the moderate countries. How do we fight the counter-narrative that claims Israel is dragging the United States? Listen, friends, this is a very, very difficult narrative for Israel, but I want to give you one very significant piece of data. We can't deal with everything. We'll make a video soon. I don't know, maybe I have it here. One second. Yes. This document, look, it's a report from 1969. It took on Israel's public diplomacy challenges. The one who led it was Abba Eban. The texts you read in this commission of inquiry are very, very, very similar to today. Radical left in American universities, Arab money, a challenge for Israel because of how it was born and because of the Palestinian refugees, and so on. We will live with this story. The way is to win. To win. Friends, the American left is in a very difficult situation. Beyond the Israeli influence, I'll give you a piece of data. We will also publish on this. You saw two weeks ago, I said this at Avri and Sharki's a few days ago, you saw two weeks ago that for the first time in the last 30 years, there is less than 50% support in the general American public for Israel, also compared to the Palestinians. When you break it down, you see it's 72% of Republicans supporting and only 30-something percent of Democrats supporting. That means the average is below 50%. If you look at the same study, only 34% of the American left is proud of America, not of Israel, of America. The problem of the American left is a very complex problem. It's not related to Israel. Israel suffers from it; we are a derivative of it. We worked with a brilliant person named Rotem Horev, whose organization is called 'Liberal,' trying to understand how to dismantle it so it will be possible to talk to these elements in the American left who don't work. But I say clearly, friends, winning this alliance with India is part of the ability to deal with this. And this regional alliance of everyone who feels our pain is one of the smartest ways to deal with this. Why doesn't China condemn? We talked about it. I think China understands well that the United States has decided and has made up its mind. I'll present the Chinese case for a moment. There are many people in the research world who argue that it's good for China, that China is watching. Remember that kid from the story who used to sit like this all the time, rubbing his hands, saying, 'Great, it's very good that the Americans are getting into more debt, that their economy will enter another crisis, and that they will fight and get into a blender and there will be chaos in the United States, and Trump will lose the midterm elections, and the markets will be stuck.' And in 2027, I remind everyone, the People's Liberation Army of China celebrates 100 years, and its top mission is to be ready on January 1, 2027, for the unification with Taiwan. This doesn't mean they will press the button here, but this button is supposed to be ready for unification with Taiwan. This is an event that is very, very, very difficult to prepare for. There is a claim that they are quiet because it's convenient for them to see the Americans sinking. I'll take two more questions to finish at a quarter to six, so we'll do this for half an hour as it should be. Should we prepare for the day of the United States after Trump? A question from Shachar Tamir, I hope I'm reading it right. The answer is yes, but the way to manage it is as follows: I hope the next sentence will be logical. Work with Trump as if there's no tomorrow. Invest all the power in Trump as if there's no tomorrow, and prepare for tomorrow as if there's no Trump. This event, at the extreme point, is a very, very dramatic event for Israel, but it doesn't mean we need to play defense now. We need to play with Trump as strongly as possible because in the end, he is the player who gives us the maneuvering space to achieve as much as possible now and to prepare for America, for the day after, in a very, very clever way. And to understand, by the way, that on some things we won't be able to influence. Again, look at the 1980s. James Baker, America hostile to Israel, America threatening an embargo on Israel. We must invest everything we can in this relationship, but to know that there will probably also be elements there that will make it difficult for us over time. Last question, and then I'll say a word about 'Alinu.' There are a few questions about 'Alinu' again. Is the relationship between India and Israel dependent only on leaders, or is a connection being woven that can be ensured? A great question. First of all, leaders have very great power, especially in India. Narendra Modi has entered his third term; he has another four years in office. I think if he completes this term and another one, this connection between us and India will be a connection that will be very difficult to break. The Indian left, let's say a third of the population, is pro-Soviet, Marxist, bordering on communist, and it also has an Islamic element. There are 200 million Indian Muslims; this is an area where it is very, very, very difficult for Israel to operate, and we must ensure that this is something that holds after the end of the Narendra Modi era, which I hope will be as far away as possible. I wish this man 120. In the book I'm releasing in a few months, there is a whole chapter that talks about the foundational leadership of Modi. This is very important leadership. The relationship between leaders is important. I think the relationship between the peoples will derive from the expansion of the cooperation agreement signed during Modi's visit. Before finishing, two minutes on 'Alinu.' Friends, 'Alinu' is a non-partisan political movement established about a year ago by Ruben Taub and me. Ruben is in the reserves; I wish he could be here with me. He is in very intensive reserves. This organization was established because we understood that the event Israel is facing is an event of ideological stagnation very similar to France and England, but Israel cannot afford ideological stagnation that creates paralysis. We learned this on October 7th. Jewish sovereignty is different from the sovereignty of other countries because every day, tens of thousands of people wake up and say to themselves, 'How do I dismantle the State of Israel?' The Prime Minister of Italy doesn't have this, and the Prime Minister of France doesn't. They can afford to slowly sink into a dysfunctional state, and in some cases, it has already happened. Our thesis on Israel says the very simple thing, and I'm intentionally simplifying it: foundational moments for nations happen once every 30 to 40 years. 1948 was not a one-time event. The event where Israel suffered ideological stagnation, this operating system broke completely. And when you look, you see there are four parameters to this operating system, and all of them are solved only through radical moves. Not with a hug, not with Knesset politics, and not with some vision of a middle ground of 80% dealing only with the 80% everyone agrees on. It simply won't work. 'Alinu' was established and says the Israeli geopolitical posture is broken. The 'Villa in the Jungle' is dead. Into it, we are pouring content. Look at our website. It's written here from about 18 months ago, let's say 12 months before going live. Turkey will be a rival. Saudi Arabia is not the eastern anchor. The 'Villa in the Jungle' must die, and in its place will enter the India-Caucasus axis. You saw Prime Minister Netanyahu 10 days ago talking about this on the eve of Modi's visit and what is happening with this alliance, the India-Caucasus alliance. Our focus on Turkey is a focus we worked on with the system. This is the new Israeli geopolitical posture. In the trust formula, in the second part, there are five parameters. We believe the whole idea of dealing with a social sector problem, which means the Israeli social problem is the Haredim, deal with them and everything will be fine, or the problem is the settlers, deal with them and everything will be fine, or the Arabs, everyone put in who they think the answer is, these answers are wrong. Israel doesn't have a sectoral problem; it has a deep systemic problem, and this problem sits on five pillars, and there a new package is needed, a new deal package for Israel. It's new education, new transportation, new infrastructure, and new personal and national security. One thing we do excellently is the Israeli healthcare system. Use it as a model and take this and build radical moves that will dismantle these systems and build them anew. That's where 'Alinu' is aiming. There is, of course, a new Israeli ethos. Look at the website. Really, I don't want to give the deep pitch of 'Alinu' here, but this is our system. It is designed to support the public figures and parties in the near term who say we are going to dismantle these bureaucracies. We are coming to shape the Israeli public not with hugs and not out of fear of the label, but to do the right thing, even if it means it will be hard. Note, these 80-90 people are an interesting example of how it looks and what is done to make it happen when you prepare in advance. So we are preparing in advance for these moves. This is the mission. Those who join us, founding grandchildren, are people who don't want to be clients of the system, who understand it will be hard, that with us you don't find hugs but hard work and faith that this is where we are going. If in these 18 months before elections, an election campaign, and coalition formation, and after that, the politicians don't rise to be the people who create this ethos of dismantling bureaucracies for the public good, we believe it will happen. Look at our podcasts, Israeli desalination, Israeli healthcare reform, energy reform. We know how to do these hard moves and enjoy them. The Home Front Command, Iron Dome, we know how to do it. So 'Alinu' will become a movement that will really become a party. That is the vector. First, try to influence, to move through ideas, to implement them, to build a community of founding grandchildren, and from there to advance. Friends, thank you very much, friends and colleagues. You are welcome to this conversation. 'Alinu,' of course, thank you all for the time. We will try to do this every few days. We really appreciate it. There were a huge, huge, huge number of people here. Thank you all.
