Polish-Hungarian relations have traditionally been good. I will never hide that in recent years I have been critical of Orbán's policies, but that is a separate matter. We must repeat these words, but we will show that Poland and Hungary, despite political differences and divergent interests, can cooperate. During our presidency, if we manage to organize it, I will not hesitate to come here again to sit together with the Prime Minister and talk about how we can deepen this cooperation.
We have an identical view with the Prime Minister — not only as two nations, but as Central and Eastern European countries — on geopolitical matters. We have a similar approach, without any complexes. I can say that we not only know the European Union well, but we also intend to cooperate with this region. Poland and Hungary have created something like our own... today's Europe is similar to us, because we have a lot to offer. We talk about the situation in politics — a lot is happening, sometimes too much — but in our relations, thanks to you, when it comes to security issues, we will never allow such situations to occur. Thank you for the declaration that Poland will always help when needed. When it comes to energy, Poland managed to achieve independence in a very short time — we are fully independent from Russian gas and oil deliveries. We have the capacity for targeted action and will offer it if needed: cooperation, help, investment, infrastructure, so that the whole region can truly be autonomous in energy supply. As for Ukraine, we present a similar view. Ukraine is interested in accession negotiations and wants to join the European Union. Poland supports this.
It is an honouring and moving occasion to stand here next to Prime Minister Donald Tusk. I come from a family — a Hungarian family — where history was always important, and I emphasized that the knowledge and respect of the 1000-year Polish-Hungarian friendship was always important. As a child, I often swam at Lake Balaton, in the settlement of Balatonboglár. That is the settlement where, during the Second World War, the majority of Polish refugees — our Polish brothers — stayed. That is the settlement, Balatonboglár, where the Poles even had a school. And yesterday I learned in the wonderful city of Kraków that the Polish compatriots who returned from there even had a name — they were called 'bográcsozók'. I am glad that we began today's programme by laying flowers of remembrance at a Polish and a Hungarian hero, who together saved some 300 Polish people, including 5000 Polish citizens of Jewish origin. You know them — we are talking about a Polish diplomat and a Hungarian government commissioner. Both of them were chosen as Righteous Among the Nations. One was executed by the Gestapo, the other was imprisoned. It is no coincidence that I began in Poland and arrived here for my first official prime ministerial visit. It is not a coincidence at all. I have been talking about this for a long time, since the very beginning of the campaign, and it was a long and difficult campaign that took place in Hungary. And I always said that if the good God helps us and the Hungarian people entrust us with leading our wonderful country, then my first official visit — if there is a willingness to receive us — will lead to Poland. And fortunately, the good God helped us. The Hungarian people entrusted us, and there was a willingness to receive us from our Polish friends. It is also no coincidence that I began this visit in Kraków, and that today, after the official visit in Warsaw, the Prime Minister and I will also visit the city of Gdańsk together. I wanted to show the Hungarian people as many sides of Poland as possible, and I wanted to go to those places where the heart of Poland, of Europe, and of freedom beats. I believe that Kraków, Warsaw, and Gdańsk all play a very, very important role. I would like to thank the Polish people for their hospitality and support, and I would like to thank Prime Minister Donald Tusk for his support — not only now, after the election victory, but we had the opportunity to meet in person and speak by phone earlier as well, and I always received the greatest possible support from him, we Hungarians did. My sincere thanks to him and to the Polish people. I think I do not need to explain here in Poland what a special, extraordinary bond ties the two countries together, Poland and Hungary. Yesterday in Kraków I also had the opportunity to lay a wreath at the tomb of István Báthory, who was Prince of Transylvania and at the same time King of Poland. Likewise, the tomb of Hedvig — or, as the Poles write it, Queen Jadwiga. And to see the statues and memory of one of our holy kings, King Saint Ladislaus, in the wonderful city of Kraków. It is moving and uplifting to experience this personally as a Hungarian, as a Hungarian Prime Minister. As I told the Prime Minister in private, I have visited Poland many times, especially in the southern regions, with my children — Wrocław, Kraków, and smaller settlements — and I also visited the monument of General József Bem in the most Hungarian of Polish cities. It is always a joy to come here with my sons, who regularly attend football cups, and fortunately they usually win. So I apologize for coming to southern Poland, and I am glad that I have now made it here too. But so that I do not speak only about the past — about our wonderful common past, and sometimes about our very difficult past — one knows Polish and Hungarian history. If Hungarian history was difficult, then Polish history was even more difficult. But I think it is good that we are both here. Poland is here, perhaps stronger than ever, and Hungary is here too. And I believe — indeed I am quite certain — that it will soon be stronger than ever. And we also discussed with the Prime Minister what a strong Europe needs. A strong Europe needs strong, competitive, self-confident, and at the same time modest member states. And for Europe to regain its old strength and its old glory, it needs a strong, competitive, self-respecting Central Europe that knows how to cooperate — a Central European region. That is why I am glad that, in the long history of the 1000-year Polish-Hungarian friendship, we can now open a new chapter and once again strengthen this relationship. For the past matters: whoever does not know the past cannot understand the present and perhaps does not deserve the future. But it is not enough. Here in the present, we must work together so that, on the one hand, we are worthy of our common heroes, our kings, our queens, our saints, our freedom fighters. And we must also work so that our children and grandchildren can be proud of us. The Prime Minister has three grandsons; I have three sons. We must work so that the generation that comes after us can also be proud of us and say that our parents and grandparents were here, and they did what the homeland demanded of them. I will be a partner in everything. Hungary will be a partner with Poland, with the Prime Minister, and of course with Slovakia and the Czech Republic, so that the Visegrád Four can regain their old strength, glory, and influence — this also matters in the European Union. Moreover, I am personally ready and consider it important to expand the cooperation of the Visegrád Four — with our Scandinavian neighbours, with Austria, Croatia, Slovenia, Romania, or the Western Balkan countries that have not yet joined the Union. The heart of Europe beats today in Central Europe, and we must work together so that it keeps beating for as long as possible, as strongly as possible. I am very glad that the Prime Minister has opened — during the Hungarian presidency, which lasts until June 30 — a Visegrád Four prime ministers' meeting. So I hereby officially invite you to the end of June, and of course I will do the same towards the Czech and Slovak prime ministers. And I hope that at the end of June we can all welcome each other in the wonderful city of Budapest. As the Prime Minister mentioned, we have already discussed many things. The ministers are also negotiating, and we too have negotiated, and we will continue these negotiations during the afternoon, as he said. Of particular importance are Europe's security and energy security. In these areas we can certainly cooperate even more closely than before, and we gladly welcome Poland's experience, which the Prime Minister has offered, and we gladly welcome Poland's experience in other areas as well. For there is a saying in Hungary in political life: 'the Warsaw express is arriving.' This means that Hungarian politics has somehow developed since the regime change that Polish changes, after a shorter or longer time, arrive in Budapest. And now the Warsaw express has also arrived in Budapest with the victory of the Tisza Party. But this also means that Poland is in some respects already ahead. We had similar problems. Prime Minister Donald Tusk's government also had similar problems. It had to face similar problems after winning the election: rule-of-law issues, the use of European Union funds, their effective use, the fight against corruption. And I very much count on the Prime Minister's experience, on Poland's experience, on the Polish government's and the Polish nation's experience, because they have obviously achieved fantastic results. One only had to look. We arrived by train from Kraków to Warsaw, and when we got off the train in Warsaw, I had the pleasure of showing my Hungarian compatriots, in a live broadcast, what developments have taken place — both at the station and on the railway line connecting Kraków and Warsaw. I think this is a good example of what EU funds are for. Of course, this can be seen not only here in Poland — we can see it in Spain, Portugal, Ireland, and other Central European countries — but unfortunately, in Hungary, over the last decade and a half, we did not see this, or not to this extent. At some point, when Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, and Hungary joined the European Union in 2004, along with seven other countries, at that time Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, and Hungary were considered model students, and Poland is still a model student today. Poland has slowly become a great power — in defence policy it is an indispensable regional centre, and we can also talk about agriculture, the food industry, and infrastructure development. And I believe that one should not be envious, should not lament that the neighbour's grass is greener, but should learn, join forces, and work together so that Hungary too can have such development — whether in rail transport, energy infrastructure, or defence. So I am glad to be here, and glad that we can discuss these things. I am glad that six ministers have joined me, and that they too can hold bilateral talks with their Polish colleagues. And as the Prime Minister mentioned, we will obviously touch on more sensitive issues too. And here I can repeat what I already said during the campaign: Budapest, Hungary will not be a dumping ground for internationally wanted criminals. I actually predicted during the campaign that the former Polish justice minister and deputy minister would wait for me to become Prime Minister before leaving — and so it happened, as you know. One of them left Hungary not directly, but travelled to the United States. The other, according to incoming news, left Hungary towards Poland or Serbia. I confirmed to the Prime Minister that we are ready to cooperate in everything and to help so that these individuals can return to Poland and answer before justice there. Thank you very much, thank you once again, Mr. Prime Minister, for the kind welcome.
And I would like to ask the Hungarian Prime Minister what his opinion is on the Polish position regarding a possible end to the Russian-Ukrainian war. Poland firmly supports the Ukrainians with weapons and financially, and consistently advocates for increasing pressure on the Russians. What is your opinion? And how do you see a possible solution to, an end to, the Russian-Ukrainian war? Thank you.
Thank you for the question. Let me start with what the Prime Minister also started with. There are sovereign member states in the European Union, and it is a sovereign right to decide in which direction to go in certain areas. Let me emphasize here, as in Warsaw, what I have said many times: Ukraine is the victim, and it has every right to defend its territorial sovereignty and integrity with all the means at its disposal. I want to emphasize this because Ukraine's independence and territorial integrity were guaranteed by the Budapest Memorandum signed in 1994 — guaranteed until 2014. And what is needed now, and what we encourage everyone to do, is, on the one hand, to have a longer ceasefire as soon as possible, because on the Russian side up to a million people have lost their lives, and on the Ukrainian side also several hundred thousand. Many civilians, children, women on both sides. Everyone's goal — and it can only be the goal — is to have a lasting ceasefire as soon as possible. And then a peace, a lasting peace, that the international parties genuinely guarantee — not like the Budapest Memorandum, but one that they genuinely guarantee will be respected and enforced, and Ukraine's security and territorial integrity. I also want to remind you that I have always been clear about this. I was the first Member of the European Parliament, in the summer of 2024, who — after the Russians bombed one of Europe's largest, if not the largest, children's hospital in Kyiv — set off by car the next day with my colleagues (I did not have many colleagues, 10–15), including the aforementioned 30-year-old Ford Transit, and we brought... Not many others were there. And I continue to stand by this — not only for Ukraine's sake, but also for the sake of the Hungarian minority living there — that this war must be closed as soon as possible. That there are differences of opinion about how to do this, what the best way is, what might cause an escalation risk — in my view this is completely normal. Every member state, every EU member state, helps with the tools it decides on, and as its own member state, its own citizens see fit. We can help with such tools. And let me quickly add that I mentioned to the Prime Minister the situation of the Hungarian minority, and I also said that the formation of the Tisza government offers an opportunity to open a new chapter between Ukraine and Hungary. We sent a message to the Ukrainian side and said that technical-level consultations have begun regarding the language, cultural, and other rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia, so that they receive what every minority in the European Union is entitled to. And I very much hope and believe that this series of negotiations will proceed quickly and successfully. And as I mentioned and suggested, we will be able to meet with President Zelensky in Berehove — a Hungarian-inhabited, Hungarian-majority city in Transcarpathia — sometime in early June. Of course, I also told the Prime Minister — and I say it with pride — that for us this is a sine qua non condition. It is a precondition for us to be able to give our approval to the opening of the first chapter in Ukraine's EU accession negotiations, because this chapter is precisely about the rule of law and democracy. I think it would be a strong signal from the Ukrainian side as well, before this chapter opens, to be able to settle the situation of their own citizens, the Hungarian minority.
Next question, please. The Russian air alarm over Lithuania — one can relate this to the American context. Will you comment on the latest signals? Thank you. I have been saying this for several weeks now, that there may be an escalation of the situation on the Ukrainian-Russian flank. I am not surprised that for the past dozen days there have been signals that chaos may be approaching, so our political... I am not surprised. The incident with the drone over Vilnius a few hours ago — Estonia — this war has reached a point where there are various interpretations of whether it was a Ukrainian drone or a Russian one. Regardless, the war in Ukraine is causing a real threat to our borders. We talked about this a few days ago, and emotions are running high in Poland among some commentators. And I want to repeat this point: the aggressive Russian policy of the Russian Federation can lead to a situation in which our American allies will seriously consider potential threats and provocations that may appear — let us call them by their name — in relation to our Baltic neighbours. The Polish-German programme of energy cooperation with the Baltic and Nordic countries, and the strengthening of the protection of the European border — all of this must effectively deter potential provocateurs. The situation is serious. We are preparing for every scenario, we are trying to avoid incidents, but I am not among those who close their eyes to reality and pretend that nothing is happening. I do not want to frighten anyone; there is no direct threat to Poland at this moment. But the threat of provocations of various kinds is becoming a fact. I have information about the arrest of three citizens of the Republic of Poland on the basis of the Security Agency, which established beyond doubt that they were preparing tasks for eventual sabotage actions in Poland on behalf of the Russian Federation. Unfortunately, these are Polish citizens. This is a matter that is developing, and this engagement concerns disinformation about the war, propaganda, and the organization of weapons for the Russians in the Donbas. There is no justification for this, and there is no room for complacency. As for the statements from the Pentagon — the deliberate calming of emotions — I would take seriously the declaration of our closest ally regarding the character of these changes, this strategic correction. No one should be surprised: the Americans have been saying for a long time that they will correct their strategic policy in Europe and will expect greater responsibility from Europe for its own security. Whether this pleases someone or not, this position has been clear from the very beginning of President Trump's term. We must cope with this, respect it, and take such signals seriously. When our closest ally makes a declaration from Washington, Poland treats it as follows: we are a loyal ally, and the Americans will appreciate this. At the same time, we see the determination of the Washington administration to reduce its presence in Europe. Okay, the European pillar — Poland is the most engaged of all member states in Europe's security, in building a modern army. I have nothing to reproach myself with here. I deeply believe that our allies will appreciate this fact in practice, without any doubt. Thank you, thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. Now the next point. Thank you.
