Donald Tusi and Monica Piatkowa LIVEKKU?

Thank you. Autumn 2026, the first days of autumn, and an ordinary weekday in the heart of Europe, an ordinary weekday of the Polish government. That is unfortunately what our reality looks like today. Today I had a visit from the Prime Minister of Bulgaria. Before the Prime Minister of Bulgaria arrived at 11:00, I had already received two pieces of information about an upcoming brutal Russian airstrike on towns near the Polish border. Border crossings in Dorohusk and Hrubieszów had to be evacuated again. Before that message reached me, another message came about the arson of a station rented by SpaceX, a station that allows Starlinks to serve this part of Europe, including Ukraine. Suspicion of deliberate arson. Before I finished my meeting with the Prime Minister of Bulgaria, and as you can guess, the main topic unfortunately had to be joint security, cooperation in the face of conflicts. In these very demanding times, tragic news came to us from Jarosław. It concerns the brutal murder of a Polish priest and the immediately rising emotions. A Ukrainian citizen, the death of a Polish priest in the Subcarpathian region — I don't need to add anything more. Yes. That is what yesterday looked like today in the heart of Europe. When you asked me today, because you too had received this information, whether I would definitely come, whether in connection with these events our meeting would have to be cancelled, I said only one sentence: No way, I have to come, because I care very, very much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much.

And I care very much about Kraków. We won't compete over Kraków, Warsaw or Gdańsk. I have many other beautiful cities and villages in Poland, and every place has the right to feel like the best place on earth. But one thing is beyond doubt: Poland, despite these very dramatic circumstances, is seen — today the Prime Minister of Bulgaria also spoke about it with undisguised envy. How is this possible? What has happened to Poland? After all, it is such a wonderful place right now, so developed, making such excellent use of European funds, infrastructure. Well, generally everyone who visits is delighted. And we know well — and this is not a compliment from me — that if there is a calling card, an absolutely top one, a calling card of Poland, it is Kraków. I am so happy when I see on Instagram, on TikTok, on Twitter every day dozens of posts, videos, reels from people who come from all over the world, from all over Europe, and say: "My God, what a place? Poland is simply wonderful, safe, clean." This safety, as you know, is conditional. It largely depends on us whether Poland will continue to be regarded as an oasis of order, safety, cleanliness, good organization — something previous generations never dreamed of. So it certainly depends on us, and in most cases these videos, these reels, these delights concern Kraków. Well, actually, whenever a Dutchman, an Englishman, an American, a German woman, a Dutch woman want to say something about this Poland that delights them, Kraków is always among those delights. So when I talk about this, I know how important it is for me as the Polish Prime Minister, for the Polish government, that Kraków has the maximum chance, because Kraków's chances are Poland's chances, because a well-managed Kraków, a Kraków with honest authorities, a Kraków making good use of money, a Kraków with selfless people in power — I am speaking specifically about Monika — that is also the guarantee that Poland will be the place that delights everyone without exception. So yes, Kraków, like Paris, is not only worth a mass; Kraków is worth our efforts, my efforts, the Polish government's efforts. Just after our conversation, I also met with Andrzej Domański, the Minister of Finance and Economy. He was here recently with Ms. Monika Piątkowska, walking around Kraków, meeting with you. As you know, he is a Krakowian. I said: "Well, you have more tools — finance, economy — you are from Kraków, it is not impossible that Kraków will again be your political home base too. He is obliged to form a duo with Monika Piątkowska if she wins the presidential election — a duo that, by cooperating, will skillfully, not selfishly, not excessively, but skillfully use all the tools that the Minister of Economy, the Minister of Finance has at his disposal." The second reason why I said there is no way, I must be in Kraków today, is that I care very, very much about Poland. I care about Poland, which also means that I care about the fact that in all places — and Kraków is unquestionably one of the most important — public power should be held by people we are not ashamed of. Today we are being bombarded. Today, yesterday, and I'm afraid tomorrow, with information about how many people over the past years of PiS rule, when they got hold of power, also got hold of public money. Here in Kraków too, this pre-election debate is also a debate about which of the candidates really wants to use public money for the city, and which might use it for themselves. I am not here in such a campaign mode as to speak badly about the opponents. All must be respected. I have my knowledge about some of them, and I know well how cities look, how states look that were not managed under the influence of oligarchs, strange money, corruption. Poland's success lay in the fact that both in local government and in power there were generally people who did not allow corruption on a massive scale. And for me, Kraków as Poland's calling card — and after all, we have a lot of work to do here. When I was last here with Ms. Monika Piątkowska, presenting our faith in Kraków and our plans, I said with full conviction that a prosperous Kraków, a well-managed Kraków with the highest ambitions, is a benefit for all of Poland like no other place. And we talk about Kraków not only as one of the most famous cities in terms of cultural artifacts, monuments, traditions. Obviously, here in Kraków I don't need to convince anyone of the great importance of traditions and cultural goods. But Kraków for a good while now has also been associated with modernity, with technological ambitions. Kraków as the first city will face a great challenge. On the one hand you have artificial intelligence here, you are pioneers in this field. Poland can also be a leading country here, partly thanks to Kraków, and at the same time we know well how many jobs can be threatened in the world, in Europe, in Poland, in Kraków through the development of artificial intelligence. It is here in Kraków that we will practice how to use modern technologies in such a way that they do not threaten jobs. And I can also commit here that for the Polish government this is one of the most important goals. I mean, and this is very, very serious. That is, how in cities where technology has become the space that provides jobs for thousands, mainly young people, that space should grow wisely. There are so many fears and anxieties related to technologies and artificial intelligence that it is precisely here that we must find the best possible recipes so that modern technologies and artificial intelligence serve people, serve Poland, serve Kraków, and do not degenerate into some dangerous civilizational phenomenon. Well, but that is our common task. There is a third reason. I care very much about Ms. Monika Piątkowska. Do you know why I care about her? Because when I asked her whether she was ready in these very difficult conditions — you know, I am not a hypocrite, I know well what Monika Piątkowska's starting point is after the referendum and after the political defeat of the previous president. We know that she decided to run in really difficult conditions. I asked you: aren't you afraid? No, I'm not afraid. Aren't you afraid of hate? I know what politics is today. You can really treat me as an expert when it comes to being the victim of a constant attack of fakes, of hate against me, my family. Yes, I have been through it all, I have such an impression, and I know how thick a skin you need, how strong a character. And I say: "Monika, are you aware of what awaits you?" And she said, but I'm not afraid, and she really also told me... You know, I also hope you will forgive me, and I will say something very politically incorrect. Maybe I too was once a senator. It's not a bad life. I mean, between us. I mean, it's not like a senator in the Republic is crushed by work. No, no. Nice place. And to be an ambitious president of an ambitious city that has been through a lot — that is work for, you know, for a hero. And when I saw that determination, that courage, and that "okay, I'm going for it, I'm going for it," taking on that full risk, it really impressed me, and I know well that such a city with such ambition and such a horizon as Kraków would be well served by having a president who fears nothing and who loves this city far more than her career, because she is really signing up for very hard work and giving up a very comfortable position. So once again, thank you for that. You know, I have already spoken about this in Kraków. I am the author of the local government reform, that is, the idea of direct election of the mayor, the town mayor, the president. And I cared very much about this — in fact, it was exactly then, when I was Deputy Marshal of the Senate, that I wrote this bill, and I cared very much that it should not be political parties and not politicians in Warsaw who decide who is the president, the mayor, and not even the councilors. That it should not always be a compromise between, you know, parties, clubs, political environments, but that the people should choose the president of the city, with all the consequences. So I also say, without any beating around the bush: as deeply as I believe in Monika, I love Kraków very much, I love Poland very much, and I will do everything to help her. But the decision belongs to the residents of Kraków. Thank you.

So I have no illusions. It seems quite obvious to me that when people here in Kraków go to vote, they will look at her, not at me. So either way I will help, I will do everything in my power, but in the end everything is in your hands, and I know that you are not afraid of it. And to conclude, I would very much like — and that is also why my presence here in these difficult and demanding times — for Kraków to be a model of what is threatened but what we must rebuild, that is, a model of a political culture in line with traditions, with culture, with such traditional values. For me this is very important, because what we observe in the world, in Europe, in America, in Poland — that is, politics saturated with hatred, contempt, conflicts — can lead not only, I mean, all of us, humanity, to catastrophe. We all feel that we are living at the turn of epochs, that there is something exceptional in this time. Not only the war, not only the Russian aggression against Ukraine. Everything that is happening around us and between us is different, it is new, it is both promising and alarming. All of Poland will be watching Kraków today. Not today because I am here — God forbid — but on election day. That's how it is. You know well, and don't even for a moment think that I've lost my mind. No, no. I know that people have their own affairs, and I am not some star or attraction here. But if we manage to convince the women and men of Kraków to support Monika's candidacy — an honest woman, as they used to say, who fears no work. I met her in very different circumstances, tough negotiations, social dialogue, farmers, food producers. She was always brave. Never — even I had no chance. When she got the floor and said: "It must be this way, this is how it is, you are wrong, you are lying here," I sat like a rabbit quietly, because I saw that... I hope that won't be said. No, no, that... People were surprised. My God, what a woman! She is really able to move mountains, and certainly, certainly she is able to make men listen. And this you can take to the bank: that the choice of Monika Piątkowska will be the choice of a true president, that it will be good, strong, true power for Kraków. I have no doubt about that. And you know, today all of Poland is also discussing what just happened in Jarosław. Coming here to you, I also wanted to ask all of you for wisdom. When I returned to the country and decided to return to Polish politics, I really wanted people who are faithful to the ideals of solidarity, freedom, who believe in our ancient principles, Polish principles such as "for your freedom and ours," precisely solidarity, which was Poland's specialty, that we should together understand two simple truths. And these truths will also be useful in Kraków. Power exists to care for the safety of citizens, the safety of the border and the safety of its own territory. When necessary, one must be very tough, strong, ruthless. It cannot be that people like you, who stand for freedom, solidarity, human rights, are helpless in the face of violence — you too must be strong. And when necessary, ruthless towards evil, towards lies, or towards those who for various reasons want to violate our borders. And when we are strong and determined in the fight against crime, illegal migration, Russian influence, ubiquitous lies, corruption — if we are ready to win in these matters — only then will freedom, solidarity and human rights again cease to be a museum exhibit. Kraków has enough of those exhibits; they will again become the substance of politics, the substance of public life. You have a very important role to play. On the way here I read the statement of President Zelensky after the murder committed by a young Ukrainian of a Polish priest in Jarosław. And it is good that President Zelensky reacted immediately. I would like us all to believe that the Polish state — at least for as long as I am Prime Minister — will be a state ruthless towards evil and towards violence, and this regardless of whether it is a Ukrainian, whether it is a Russian provocation, or whether it is a Polish criminal. We will ruthlessly compel everyone to respect the law, human rights. We will compel respect and regard for the interests of other people. We will care for safety, and with the same strength — and here too I ask for your help — we will care to ensure that evil people, people sometimes paid by the Russians, sometimes insane, do not turn this very difficult wartime situation into a hell of nationalism, of hatred between person and person. I noticed, and you also noticed, that also during the referendum campaign there appeared people who are really thinking about something completely different. Not about a safe and developing Kraków, but about an endless civil war, about Russian interests, because some of them — I know them well from parliament, I have no doubt whom they serve and what they want. So that is why these elections are also about all of Poland. These elections are about all of us, and that is why you carry such a burden on your shoulders. But once again, I repeat, I deeply believe in Monika. I hope she is a candidate for all of you, above divisions. Kraków above divisions, Monika above divisions. I, as the leader of the Civic Coalition, am only a fragment of this front of support. I hope so. Your little heart has somewhat different colors, and you emphasize it very much. This is Kraków. This is Kraków in white and blue. And this is the faith that people of good will, even if they are in different political environments, will cooperate. That was the first question she asked me: Can I form a committee with different people, from different environments? Can I be independent of our good relations, friendship, cooperation? Can I be a truly independent candidate? Can I be for Kraków, and not for this or that party? And I had no doubt. Yes, that is your choice, your role, your mission. I keep my fingers crossed. I believe in your victory.

Good that you raised the topic of the local fee. Well, it's not appropriate for me, because, you know, as a representative of the Polish government, I don't really try during government work to separate what is a campaign, what is some party interest, from what I do as Prime Minister. On the local fee, everyone spoke up, as you know, from the left and from the right, there were critics, there were enthusiasts, there was a discussion about what percentage and so on, and so on, how much stays in local government, whether there should also be something for the Minister of Finance from this in the sense of the state budget. And okay, let everyone feel like the author of the fact that it finally happened, and for Kraków this is especially important, but the true author is Monika, and I say this — I didn't want to talk about it, but because I had already heard many such, you know, as is often the case, untruths, such false interpretations of what happened. From my point of view, her extremely emphatic argumentation finally made it clear to me. There are always pros and cons. And she was so determined, frankly speaking, I did this not for you. Seriously, only because this project made sense, but I did it thanks to you. I mean, I'm talking about this government project, because I understood how important it is from Kraków's point of view. It was easy for me to understand, because I live permanently in Sopot, so we have, of course, on a completely different scale, but similar problems resulting from the excessive popularity of our places of residence. So yes, it was an example that everyone talked about it, but she in fact got it done, and that is what her presidency will be like. You can be sure of that. Once again, thank you.

I don't want to, I shouldn't, and there's no reason to scare anyone. The problem is that various scenarios are possible. The most likely one — I've already spoken about this in the Sejm, also at the last cabinet meeting — I conveyed a lot of important information from the point of view of state security. The problem is that nobody knows for sure how this scenario will look.

What is certain is that Russia today is not interested in peace, that Russia is interested in escalation. We are witnesses to this. I don't want us to be its victims, but we are witnesses to it every day.

We are not threatened by an invasion; nothing indicates that. We are not talking about a war like the one in Ukraine, with a front line, tanks, you know. But we must be prepared, and this is a new experience for all of us — for civil defense, for the state, for the police, for the fire brigade, for all citizens.

We must be prepared for these nasty forms of pressure, these hybrid forms of war that Russia is unfortunately perfecting — something may fall into our airspace. For now we have almost every day some kind of violation, just as yesterday there was, for example, a helicopter near Kaliningrad.

Not long ago there was a missile near Lublin, a year ago there was the Night of Drones, so we simply must, as a state and as Europe — because this threat concerns all of Europe — be well prepared, also politically, how to react to events, not to make a mistake, not to unnecessarily provoke a harsher version of the conflict, and at the same time not to capitulate in any way.

Putin is playing the exhaustion game. He not only wants to exhaust Ukraine by destroying its industrial and energy infrastructure, but Putin also wants to exhaust Europe. Putin wants political changes in Europe so that more and more people and political parties say: "Whatever happens to Ukraine, as long as it ends." So he will probably look for various ways to exhaust us, and for that he will have his fifth column everywhere.

It is present everywhere, throughout Europe, including Poland. Pay attention to those who, under the pretext of lofty pacifist ideals — "It's not our war, peace is better than war, and what do we care about Ukraine" and so on. And this may sound increasingly attractive to people, because after all nobody wants war.

I am the prime minister of the country that is most interested in peace to the east of our border. We are the only country in the world that borders Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. We have three such difficult — Ukraine is difficult for other reasons — difficult neighbors. So we really need national unity, and certainly some elementary loyalty from the president's opposition. It's hard, I won't hide it. I am increasingly disappointed, especially with what the president is doing. I mean, I don't understand what's going through his head. I really don't understand, because he has all the information. I send him every piece of information that defines our security situation.

Well, maybe this will change a bit in the future, but you are right. Everyone must understand — not that something terrible will happen, but everyone must understand that it is the duty of all of us to prepare well for various scenarios, and that is the path to peace. So there is no doubt: if Putin sees that we are resistant to provocations, that we are not making political mistakes, that we have allied solidarity — when I hear some, well, not some, but Czarnek in the Sejm saying: "Go fight yourselves, we will certainly not defend Lithuania and Latvia." When I hear such words, I think to myself: the worst demons of the past.

If the world hears that we do not want to defend our allies within NATO, then listen — I can already see those French, some German, Spanish, American politicians saying: "What do we care about Poland, if there is no Article Five, if NATO is a fiction, then it is Poland's problem." So there are very many dimensions to this, and it requires unity and a sensible approach without this nasty internal aggression, because that would be deadly. Here in Kraków too you have to watch out for people, and I often talk about this with Monika as well, and in that sense these elections are also about this.

That is exactly what I wanted to hear. I mean, specifically those three words: "I will not back down." That is also my philosophy, not only because I always wanted to be a footballer, completely without talent, so I became a politician, but time cannot be turned back. But speaking seriously, I talked a bit about this today already at the beginning, and that is one of the reasons why I immediately trusted Monika when she said she was determined to fight here for the presidency. These are such times that you cannot back down. Whatever we disagree about — and this is no longer just a matter of hate on the internet — political opponents, political adversaries are rather supporters of violence, of breaking the rules. I don't need to tell you that. For example, the debate and the quarrel over the Constitutional Tribunal.

After all, I will say this — I have never said it so openly before, but I want you to hear it here, and I know that Monika thinks exactly the same way, and I want all of Poland to hear it. There is a chessboard. We agree to play chess. I sit there, well, thinking, and on the other side a guy comes with a baseball bat and says: "You play chess, but I'm here for a fight." And does he have the baseball bat in his hand? And around there are strange and various people, unfortunately often including the media, and they say: "You play chess, that's not nice. We know he will hit with the baseball bat, but you must play chess." Well, then I will not win, ladies and gentlemen. I was already polite enough. There will be no acceptance. [applause]

And in my youth I also acquired various skills that may also come in handy in this new form of political struggle or confrontation. I certainly will not be frightened, and I am glad that we are made of exactly the same clay.