Also security for markets. We must give up barriers, reduce administrative costs, and the decisive issue here is the supply of energy, electricity. In Europe we have structural problems and we suffer, like other countries, from high gas prices, for example. And this in turn affects other areas. In Austria we are very advanced when it comes to electricity production from renewable energy sources. But as long as the merit order effect works, we in Austria will pay for renewable energy the same as we pay for electricity from gas-fired power plants. And that is why we need appropriate action at the European level to lower gas prices.
Ladies and gentlemen, dear Donald, cooperation with neighbors is a very important topic of Austrian foreign policy. We would like Poland and Austria to cooperate even more bilaterally, but also within regional cooperation and with other countries in Central Europe. And it is clear to us that if we join our forces, if we speak with one voice, we will also find allies in Brussels and around the world politically, culturally, economically and historically. This whole region is closely connected. Our countries face similar challenges and have similar goals. We must use this potential and coordinate our actions, and our neighbors are our closest and most logical allies.
And allow me, gentlemen, to say a few more words about migration, because it is a topic that concerns us. The lawful protection of the European Union's borders is a condition for a fair and consistent migration policy. Yes. The external border of the European Union, but also as the host country of Frontex, Poland has a special role here. And here I would like to thank you for your cooperation, dear Donald. The protection of external borders is not a purely national task. And here you can also rely on cooperation with Austria and on our solidarity.
Today I will also visit the headquarters of Frontex in Warsaw to get an idea of border protection and the fight against crime. What I would also like to emphasize is that we must cooperate on readmission issues and the creation of return centers, and we simply proceed from the assumption that anyone who does not have the right to stay in Europe must leave Europe. And we saw shocking images from the summer, and we must simply be better prepared for such events. And we also talked about the fact that we live in times where instruments of hybrid warfare are emerging. You also see this on the Polish border, and the point is that member states should also have the right to suspend the right to submit asylum applications.
Of course, this is connected with Russia's aggression against Ukraine, and dangerous information is reaching us. Hybrid attacks do not stop at the national borders of individual countries. This leads to the destabilization of our democracy. This means that we will also cooperate on this issue and must be solidary. And here Poland can rely on support from Austria. Just as among friends, Russian attempts to destabilize and intimidate member states of the European Union will not succeed either. Although Austria is a militarily neutral country, we must take such problems into account, and we will also contribute to strengthening European resilience, dear Donald.
The last official visit of a Polish prime minister to Austria took place 15 years ago, and you were already in office then. And I am glad that I can return the invitation to come to Vienna, and I would be delighted if you would visit me in Vienna as soon as possible. Once again, thank you for the warm welcome, for the exchange of views, for the good conversations, and I look forward to further cooperation and talks.
We have time for a few questions. Please indicate who they are addressed to, and let's take the first one.
Mr. Chancellor, how concretely do you envision strengthened cooperation in the field of security? You have already spoken about cooperation, and Poland is actively arming itself against Russia. What do you expect from Austria as a contribution? Thank you very much.
Regarding the question of cooperation, we have many areas where we could cooperate more closely. These are economic topics, but also the issue of security, Frontex, the border guard, and also the issue of this hybrid war against us. Everything that destabilizes Europe destabilizes the unity and community of Europe. Austria is, after all, part of the European Union. We have made contributions and will continue to make them on this matter. We are solidary with Ukraine. We supported the sanctions packages because we knew that this is Russia's war against Ukraine, which threatens our security. And it is not about what we support, but that we support it — we need to talk about that. In what form have we found a way in the past? I am convinced that in individual situations in the future we will do the same.
Regarding Austria's status as a neutral state. This is a special status at a time when the threat of war is real. This war is taking place right at our border. And we are getting more and more signals that escalation from Russia will continue. That is why we assess with the highest regard Austria's engagement, as a neutral state, as I have already emphasized, in maintaining full European solidarity around Ukraine and in helping Ukraine in its war against the aggressor. And this is not about words about solidarity, but about very concrete undertakings. If Poland is a country that, thanks to the SAFE program, has received 44 billion euros for defense, that required full cooperation and solidarity with the member states. And the reshaping of European policy very clearly towards security — the protection of the land border against illegal migration, but also securing that border against potential aggression — all of this was possible thanks to Austria's solidary stance. If a neutral state does this, it means even more that in the most important matters we are together and can count on each other.
From my point of view, of course, the key commitments of allies are crucial. Article 5 in the event of aggression, and a consistent sanctions policy. We have very many instruments, and we could always count on Austria here in applying certain instruments of pressure on Russia. For now it is not working — that is, the war continues. But it does work in the sense that Ukraine endures thanks to this aid, including Austrian and Polish aid. So I do not feel any deficit of Austrian actions and support for this line.
I will ask for the next question.
Maciej Adamiak, Polish Television. I would like to ask you both what your positions are today on the EU budget for 2028–2034, and whether they have moved closer, given that so far Poland has mainly spoken about increasing this budget and Austria about reducing it?
It is connected with the nature of things that we have 27 states in the European Union and they have different positions. Regarding the financial framework, I also have three different parties in my coalition government. In fact, Austria proposed consolidation for the national budget, and we also spoke about this in the case of the European budget. We pointed out that we have to spend an additional 10 billion euros on our defense, and therefore we will have to join the European security landscape. Regarding the European Union budget, there is indeed a situation where we proceed from the assumption that the volume is too large, and we must also examine priorities within this budget. And we are in times where, when it comes to finances, we have shortages, and this must also be taken into account for the budget for the coming years. Regarding Austria, we have important points. There are matters that unite us, but also those that divide us. Also regarding the budget, we want to reduce its volume. In Austria too, agriculture is very important, and simply if a lot of money is allocated to various fields, money must not be lacking for agriculture. And Poland, when it becomes a net payer soon, will bring more elements that unite us, because it will also concern rebates within the negotiations.
Regarding the Chancellor's remarks, particularly the last ones. Yes, I am preparing my country for this new situation, that is, for a situation where Poland will be a net payer. If we continue to develop at this pace, which is the fastest pace in Europe at the moment, this could happen even sooner than anyone expects. And okay, we are talking about money and interests. When we become a net payer, we will probably also have to correct some of our views, but for now we need money both for agriculture — there we will certainly find common ground — and for cohesion policy. I would like, and I know Chancellor Stocker understands this very well, I would like everyone in Europe to know that the cohesion funds Poland received and used well were also funds that directly contributed to the innovation and competitiveness of the Polish economy.
Some people tend to claim that money for agriculture and money for cohesion is financial aid — a kind of social benefit for the new member states. And I would like to say, and I thank you for the words of recognition, because the first words I heard from the Chancellor were that he had come to a country of success, that Poland had become a symbolic place in Europe, that we can do it, and that the heart of Europe is also beating right now in Warsaw. And truly, European funds were used very well in Poland — not everywhere in Europe, but in Poland this money changed Poland and truly made Poland a part of Europe, and a very attractive part today. So as for the fact that, one way or another, the security context and the threat of Russia's aggressive policy will influence our discussion on the multiannual financial framework, I have no doubts about that. Only a blind and deaf person could pretend that one can talk about European money without seeing what is happening beyond the eastern border. And I also thank you for this understanding, because not everyone in Europe has understood this yet.
If we pursue a very strict asylum policy, if we have spent billions of euros on strengthening and protecting the eastern border, we are doing this, of course, for ourselves, but we are also doing it for all of Europe. Our border is very demanding. Poland is the only country that borders both Russia and Belarus and Ukraine. Three completely different obligations fall on us, and we are doing all of this in our own interest and in the interest of the entire European Union. If there are currently investments aimed at the military security of the border, these are also billions of euros. Eastern Shield is our great project of fortifying the border with Russia and Belarus, but above all with Russia. And I am proud that our argumentation has found recognition throughout Europe, and that it has been recognized that Eastern Shield is a project for the security of the Union, not just the security of Poland.
I want to tell you honestly: when we discuss money, we are already bearing the greatest financial burdens in connection with the war, with helping Ukraine, with the threat from Russia, with the need to arm ourselves. I do not expect at all from Austria or other states that they suddenly change their strategy or policy, and as I said, we respect Austria's neutrality. But I expect understanding from everyone that since Poland is carrying this direct burden related to European security on its shoulders, this must also be reflected in the financial negotiations, because it is in the interest, as I said, of all of Europe. Today, funds spent in Poland — whether cohesion, agriculture, or broadly understood security — are funds spent for Europe, not for Poland. I do not have such an ambitious intention to deduct everything Poland receives and treat it as not for Poland but for Europe. But there is something to it. We really allocate a very large part of European funds and resources not for our own well-being, but for security and the security of supplies, for example when it comes to agriculture for all of Europe. And I thank you here for the full understanding. Not — not full support in everything, okay — but for full understanding of this new situation.
